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Author Topic: 鲍彤逝世:曾参与推动中国政治改革,因“六四”事件入狱  (Read 17 times)


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储百亮, 王月眉2022年11月22日2011年的鲍彤。在天安门镇压事件之前,他被指控泄露即将到来的戒严令,他坚决否认了这一指控。他被判处七年徒刑。 Goh Chai Hin/AFP, via Getty ImagesBao Tong, who was the highest-ranking Chinese official imprisoned over the pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square that ended in mass carnage in 1989, and who later became an acerbic outsider-critic of the Communist Party, died on Nov. 9 in Beijing. He was 90.1989年的天安门广场民主抗议活动以大规模屠杀告终,鲍彤是因该抗议活动被监禁的最高级别的官员,后成为中共尖刻的党外批评者,他于11月9日在北京去世,享年90岁。The cause was acute leukemia, said his son, Bao Pu.他的儿子鲍朴称,鲍彤因急性白血病去世。For a decade, Mr. Bao was a top aide to Zhao Ziyang, the liberalizing party leader who was ousted shortly before the Tiananmen crackdown. After his release from prison, Mr. Bao used essays, interviews and Twitter to denounce China’s autocratic turn.鲍彤在十年间担任赵紫阳的高级助手,后者是主张自由化的中共领导人,在天安门镇压前不久被赶下台。鲍彤出狱后,通过文章、采访和Twitter等方式谴责中国的专制转向。In the mid-1980s, he was central to devising Mr. Zhao’s political reform proposals to rein in the party’s power and expand public oversight of officials. In his later years, he saw little near-term hope that the party would reopen the way for democratic changes, yet he stayed optimistic that China would eventually take that path. And that shift, Mr. Bao said, would demand confronting the traumas of June 1989, when troops shot protesters in Beijing and other Chinese cities, with estimates of the death toll ranging from the hundreds to the thousands.在20世纪80年代中期,他在设计赵紫阳的政治改革方案方面起了核心作用,改革方案旨在抑制党的权力和扩大对官员公众监督。在晚年,他看不到党会重新开辟民主变革道路的短期希望,但他仍然乐观地认为中国最终会走上这条道路。鲍彤说,这种转变需要面对1989年6月的创伤,当时军队在北京和中国其他城市开枪射击抗议者,估计死亡人数从数百人到数千人不等。“The ‘June 4’ student democracy movement of 1989 was the great event, the one most worthy of the Chinese people’s pride, that I experienced in my life,” Mr. Bao wrote this year in an article for Radio Free Asia. But the bloodshed, he added, had “brazenly opened up a new era where state power has no constraints and civic rights have lost their safeguards.”“1989年‘六四’的学运民运,是我平生经历的最值得国人骄傲的壮举,”鲍彤今年在自由亚洲电台的一篇文章中写道。但他还说,流血事件“明目张胆开辟了公权绝对不受制约和民权彻底失去保障的新时代”。He had already been thrown in secret detention when soldiers began shooting their way toward Tiananmen Square on the night of June 3. He had been involved in Mr. Zhao’s efforts to stave off plans to quell the protests with force, and hard-line officials had accused Mr. Bao of leaking plans for martial law, an allegation he adamantly rejected. A driving force behind the crackdown, Mr. Bao later argued, was a “coup” to derail Mr. Zhao and his liberalizing policies.6月3日晚上,当士兵开始向天安门广场开枪时,他已经被秘密拘留。他参与了赵紫阳阻止武力镇压抗议计划的行动,强硬派官员指责鲍彤泄露戒严计划,他坚决否认了这一指控。鲍彤后来辩称,镇压背后的推动力是一场“政变”,目的是破坏赵紫阳及其自由化政策。1989年6月,中国军队聚集在天安门广场与抗议者对峙。Mr. Bao was one of the few survivors from a cohort of officials who had joined Mao Zedong’s revolution as idealistic students, fired up by hopes that the Communist Party could deliver broad democratic freedoms to China.鲍彤和一批官员都曾以理想主义学生的身份加入了毛泽东的革命,他们对共产党能为中国带来广泛的民主自由充满希望。鲍彤是这批官员中为数不多的幸存者之一,Mr. Bao died two and a half weeks after Xi Jinping secured a new term, entrenching an authoritarian resurgence.在鲍彤去世两周半之前,习近平获得了新任期,威权主义死灰复燃。“What matters for all of us is the future that we strive for,” Mr. Bao said when celebrating his 90th birthday four days before his death, according to his daughter, Bao Jian. “We have to do what we can, should and must today, and do it well.”据鲍彤的女儿鲍简说,鲍彤在去世前四天庆祝他90岁生日时说:“重要的是我们大家要争取的未来、要争取的今天,要在今天做自己能够做、应该做、必须做的事情,并把它做好。”Mr. Bao’s wife, Jiang Zongcao, died on Aug. 21 at 90. Their deaths have been widely mourned by friends and supporters in China, although official media have not mentioned the deaths and social media sites have tried to stifle the news.鲍彤的妻子蒋宗曹于8月21日去世,享年90岁。中国的朋友和支持者广泛哀悼他们的去世,但官方媒体对此没有提及,社交媒体网站也试图压制这一消息。Bao Tong was born on Nov. 5, 1932, in Haining, Zhejiang Province, in eastern China, the third of six children. His father, Bao Peiren, a manager in an enamel products factory, and his mother, Wu Heng, a homemaker, immersed their children in learning.鲍彤1932年11月5日出生于中国东部浙江省海宁市,在六个孩子中排行老三。他的父亲鲍佩人是一家搪瓷制品厂的经理,母亲吴珩是一名家庭主妇,为孩子们营造了极好的学习氛围。The family fled the Japanese invasion in 1938, settling in what was then the French-controlled section of Shanghai. Mr. Bao recalled reading “The Observer,” an influential liberal magazine, as well as Mencius, the ancient Chinese sage, who, he said, “made me understand that people should treat other people also as people.”1938年,为逃离日本入侵,他们一家定居在当时法国控制的上海地区。鲍彤回忆,他当时读过有影响力的自由主义杂志《观察家报》(The Observer),以及中国古代圣人孟子的著作,他说,孟子“使我懂得,人,应该把别人当人”。After Japan’s defeat, China’s ruling Nationalist Party vied for control of the country with the Communist Party, which Mr. Bao saw as an idealistic alternative to the corruption and despotism of the Nationalists. He joined the Communists in April 1949, months before Mao proclaimed the People’s Republic.日本战败后,中国执政的国民党与共产党争夺国家控制权,鲍彤认为共产党是腐败专制的国民党的理想替代者。他于1949年4月加入共产党,几个月后,毛泽东宣布成立中华人民共和国。“I was elated to join the Communist Party out of my striving for democracy,” Mr. Bao said in his memoirs, which are in private circulation. “Back then I didn’t have the slightest understanding that there was a conflict between seeking democracy and the supremacy of the Communist Party.”“我为民主而奋斗,所以我很高兴加入共产党,”鲍彤在他私下流通的回忆录中写道。“那时候我完全不知道,追求民主和共产党至上是有冲突的。”He rose in the party organization. In 1955, he married Jiang Zongcao, a fellow official who became an expert in Spanish and later co-translated Gabriel García Márquez’s “One Hundred Years of Solitude.”他在党组织中地位上升。1955年,他与身为西班牙文专家的同事蒋宗曹结婚,蒋宗曹后来成为加夫列尔·加西亚·马尔克斯的《百年孤独》的合译者。Mr. Bao was a loyal Communist, but his educated background and ties to banned liberal traditions created troubles for him. During Mao’s tumultuous Cultural Revolution, Mr. Bao spent more than six years undergoing indoctrination at a school in the countryside.鲍彤是一名忠诚的共产党员,但他的受教育背景加上被禁的自由主义传统给他带来了麻烦。在毛泽东发动的“文化大革命”期间,鲍彤在农村的一所学校接受了六年多的灌输教育。After Mao died, Mr. Bao joined a wave of officials who put their energies into China’s modernization.毛泽东去世后,鲍彤与一批官员将精力投入到中国现代化建设的浪潮中。2011年,鲍彤伸手拿取老领导赵紫阳的照片,赵紫阳是在天安门镇压不久之前被罢免的自由派领导人。He was working in the State Science and Technology Commission in 1980 when Zhao Ziyang, a provincial leader with a reputation for innovation, was promoted to the central leadership in Beijing. Mr. Bao became his secretary, advising him on policy decisions and helping him navigate the political currents of the post-Mao, market-friendly era of Deng Xiaoping.1980年,鲍彤在国家科学技术部工作,以创新著称的省级领导赵紫阳来到北京,升任中央领导。鲍彤成了他的秘书,为他的政策决策提供建议,并帮助他应对毛泽东时代之后,邓小平市场友好时代的政治潮流。Early on, Mr. Zhao offered an oblique warning to Mr. Bao: “Some people judge me as enlightened in economic reform and conservative in political reform, and that’s quite apt.” Mr. Bao took the statement as a caution not to push for big political changes.赵紫阳很早就委婉警示了鲍彤:“有人说我在经济改革上开明,在政治改革上保守,这很恰当。”鲍彤以为,这一说法是对不要推动重大政治变革的警告。As China’s premier from 1980, in charge of running the government, Mr. Zhao focused on loosening state control over farmers and factories, encouraging foreign investors and nurturing private commerce, all at a time when mention of a “market economy” was heretical to many officials. Deng then decided that “political system reform” was needed to protect China’s economic gains from corruption and inefficiency.作为中国1980年以来负责管理政府的总理,赵紫阳专注于放松政府对农民和工厂的控制,鼓励外国投资者和培育私营企业,所有这些都是在许多官员仍将“市场经济”视为异端的背景下进行的。于是,为了保护中国经济收益免受腐败和低效影响,邓小平决定有必要进行“政治体制改革”。Mr. Bao oversaw a research office integral to creating Zhao’s blueprint for political reforms. Both men knew that Deng could withdraw his support if their proposals went too far.鲍彤在一个研究办公室担任负责人,它是赵紫阳政治改革规划中的重要组成部分。两人都知道,如果他们的改革提议走得太远,邓小平可能收回对他们的支持。“We worked together, we ate together — in the first year we even didn’t have any weekends,” said Wu Guoguang, a professor at Stanford University who had been recruited to help in Mr. Bao’s office. The work led staff members to suffer teeth problems, insomnia and exhaustion. “Bao Tong disease,” they called it.“我们工作在一起,吃饭在一起,第一年甚至连周末休息的时间都没有,”当年被聘请至鲍彤的办公室帮忙的斯坦福大学教授吴国光说。劳碌导致工作人员出现牙齿问题、失眠和疲倦。他们称之为“鲍彤病”。Both Mr. Bao and Mr. Zhao were idealists, Professor Wu said, but “as veteran politicians, experiencing the Cultural Revolution — Mao’s years — surviving so many purges and political campaigns, I think they were highly practical at the same time.”吴国光称鲍彤和赵紫阳都是理想主义者,但“作为资深政治家,经历了毛时代的文化大革命,挺过了那么多的清洗和政治运动,我认为他们也是非常务实的”。In 1987, Deng abruptly demoted Hu Yaobang, the party’s liberal-minded general secretary. After Mr. Zhao replaced Mr. Hu as party leader, he and Mr. Bao scored a major victory when Deng approved — and a party congress endorsed — their proposals for measured political change. Mr. Bao’s role in helping to draft the main report for that congress, a high-water mark for liberalizing hopes in China, was one of his proudest moments, his son said.1987年,邓小平突然罢免了思想开明的党总书记胡耀邦。在赵紫阳取代胡耀邦成为党的领导人后,他与鲍彤取得了一项重大胜利——邓小平批准并在一次党代会上支持了他们关于谨慎政治改革的提议。鲍彤的儿子说,鲍彤最骄傲的时刻之一,就是帮助起草了那次大会的主要报告,那是中国自由化希望的顶点。1987年10月在北京人民大会党召开的中共党代会。Still, inflation and corruption were feeding public anger and provoking calls from intellectuals and students for bolder political changes.尽管如此,通货膨胀和腐败还是加剧了公众的愤怒,激起了知识分子和学生要求更大胆政治改革的呼声。“I thought that under the conditions then, an outbreak of a large-scale social incident was possible,” Mr. Bao wrote in his memoirs. The key, he told his staff, would be too avoid resorting to the party’s old, draconian ways and instead solve conflict through negotiation.“我认为在当时的条件下,爆发一场大规模社会事件是可能的,”鲍彤在回忆录中写道。他对手下参谋说,关键在于避免诉诸党的老办法,要通过谈判解决解决矛盾。Mr. Bao’s fears came true the next year, when the sudden death of Mr. Hu, the ousted party leader, ignited student protests demanding democratic changes. Hard-line officials favored a tough response.鲍彤的担忧在次年成为现实,被罢免的党领导人胡耀邦突然去世,引发了要求民主变革的学生抗议活动。强硬派官员倾向拿出强硬回应。On the night of May 17, 1989, Mr. Zhao called Mr. Bao into his office and told him to draft Mr. Zhao’s resignation letter.1989年5月17日夜,赵紫阳把鲍彤叫到他的办公室,让他为自己起草辞职信。Eleven days later, Mr. Bao was summoned to the party’s headquarters, where a car with police number plates waited to drive him to the top-security Qincheng Prison. He had been charged with leaking word that martial law was coming, an accusation he vehemently denied.11天后,鲍彤被传唤至党总部,一辆警牌汽车在那里等着把他送到戒备森严的秦城监狱。他被指控泄露即将实施戒严令的消息,他坚决否认这一指控。“From now on you’re called 8901,” his chief guard said, Mr. Bao wrote in his memoirs. “I evaporated like a drop of water, disappearing from family and friends, from official circles.”“以后你的名字,就叫8901,”鲍彤在回忆录中写道,负责他的警卫队长这样说。“我就像一滴水一样蒸发了,从家人、友人和官场之间消失了。”He refused to turn on Mr. Zhao. At his trial, held in secret, prosecutors revised the charges, accusing Mr. Bao of spreading word of Mr. Zhao’s resignation, an allegation he also fought.他拒绝背叛赵紫阳。在秘密进行的审判中,检方改了罪名,指控鲍彤散布的是赵紫阳辞职的消息,他同样反对这一指控。“I can keep a secret,” he recalled telling Mr. Zhao.“保密我做得了,”他回忆自己这样告诉赵紫阳。He was expelled from the party and sentenced in 1992 to seven years in prison. He was the most senior official convicted in relation to the upheavals of 1989. (Other ousted officials, like Mr. Zhao, were detained but never convicted.)他被开除党籍,并在1992年被判处有期徒刑七年。他是因1989年动荡而被定罪的级别最高的官员。(其他如赵紫阳这样被罢免的官员曾被拘留,但从未被定罪。)Released in 1997 after a year in informal detention, Mr. Bao began to speak up, casting aside the reticence that had been required of him as a senior party aide.1997年,刑满后又继续被软禁了一年的鲍彤获释,他开始发声,抛开了作为党内高级助手必须具备的沉默寡言。He gave interviews and issued letters demanding that the party overturn its condemnation of the 1989 protests, and he called for China to restart political liberalization. When he turned up at gatherings in Beijing, a rustle of excitement greeted his arrival. He was often followed by plain clothes security police.他接受采访并发表信函,要求党撤销对1989年抗议活动的谴责,并呼吁中国重启政治自由化。当他出现在北京的集会上,迎来的是一阵兴奋欢呼。他经常被便衣国安跟踪。2014年的鲍彤。出狱后,他翻过中国的审查墙使用Twitter,在上面自称“中国公民”。“In the past I believed in Communism; now I don’t think it’s worth believing in,” he told a foreign reporter in 2012 as security officers looked on. “Now I just think that Marx had some nice ideas. He said the poor are worth helping.”“过去我信共产主义;现在我认为那不值得相信,”2012年,他在国安的监视下这样告诉一名外国记者。“现在我只觉得马克思有一些好思想。他说应该帮助穷人。”Mr. Bao’s disappointment with China’s leaders intensified after Mr. Xi took power in 2012 and reversed many of China’s gains.在习近平2012年上台并扭转了中国取得的许多进步成果之后,鲍彤对中国领导层的失望更深。Mr. Bao read widely, from classical Chinese texts to Anne Rice’s “The Vampire Chronicles,” his son said. He also jumped over China’s censorship wall to use Twitter, where he described himself as a “Chinese citizen.” After Mikhail Gorbachev’s death this year, he tweeted: “Bao Tong bows in respect.”他的儿子说,鲍彤博览群书,从中国古典文学到安妮·赖斯的《吸血鬼编年史》无所不包。他也翻过中国的审查防火墙使用Twitter,在上面自称“中国公民”。今年戈尔巴乔夫去世后,他在Twitter上写道:“鲍彤鞠躬。”Wu Wei, an aide to Mr. Bao in the 1980s, said of him: “I felt he still carried the spirit of an old-style Chinese intellectual. He stayed much the same person he always was.”上世纪80年代做过鲍彤秘书的吴伟这样评价他:“我认为他还是背着旧中国知识分子的精神。没有觉得他有什么大的变化。”His son and daughter are his only immediate survivors.他的直接遗属只有一儿一女。Mr. Bao was never allowed to meet with Mr. Zhao after 1989. But in 2019, the authorities let him visit the grave of Mr. Zhao and Mr. Zhao’s wife.1989年之后,鲍彤再未被允许与赵紫阳见面。但在2019年,当局允许他去为赵紫阳夫妇扫墓。“They’re finally free and at peace,” Mr. Bao wrote at the time. “I wish that all Chinese people can have freedom and peace in this world.”“他们终于自由了,平安了,”鲍彤当时写道。“愿我中国人,都能在人间得到自由和平安。”补充报道由Joy Dong提供。储百亮(Chris Buckley)是《纽约时报》首席中国记者。他成长于澳大利亚悉尼,在过去30年中的大部分时间内居住在中国。在2012年加入《纽约时报》之前,他是路透社的一名记者。欢迎在Twitter上关注他:@ChuBailiang。王月眉(Vivian Wang)是《纽约时报》驻华记者,常驻北京,撰写关于中国的崛起及野心如何塑造普通人日常生活的报道。欢迎在Twitter上关注她:@vwang3。翻译:纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 鲍彤逝世:曾参与推动中国政治改革,因“六四”事件入狱



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