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196
中国否认台山核电站辐射泄露,承认燃料棒受损

KEITH BRADSHER2021年6月17日2013年在建的广东省台山核电厂。中国周三说,核电厂的个别铀燃料棒出现破损,这在反应堆中并不罕见。 Peter Parks/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesSHANGHAI — The Chinese government said on Wednesday that “about five” of the uranium fuel rods inside a nuclear power plant in southeastern China had been damaged, but added that no radiation had leaked out of reactors at the site.上海——中国政府周三说,位于中国东南部的一座核电厂“约为五根左右”铀燃料棒受损,但补充说,该核电厂没有发生反应堆辐射泄漏。Regulators have also reviewed and approved limits on how much radioactive gas is allowed to accumulate in the water at the reactor, China’s National Nuclear Safety Administration said in a statement. Nuclear scientists in the United States and Europe said in interviews earlier this week that a buildup of radioactive gas in the water and steam surrounding the fuel rods, while not uncommon at reactors elsewhere, is often a sign of poor design, manufacturing or management.中国国家核安全局在声明中还说,监管机构审查批准了反应堆冷却剂中的放射性比活度的相关限值。本周早些时候,美国和欧洲的核科学家在接受采访时说,燃料棒周围的水和蒸汽中放射性气体的积聚,虽然在其他地方的反应堆中并不罕见,但往往是设计、制造或管理不善的标志。The Taishan Nuclear Power Plant is on the southeastern coast of China, about 80 miles southwest of Hong Kong. The power plant’s Reactor One, which has encountered difficulties in recent days, has more than 60,000 fuel rods.中国东南沿海的台山核电厂位于距香港西南约130公里的地方。该核电厂的1号机组近日来遇到一些困难,这个机组总共有6万多根燃料棒。The reactor is designed to operate safely despite damage to up to 0.25 percent of the fuel rods, the safety agency said. That would be at least 150 fuel rods.国家核安全局说,设计中假设的燃料组件最大安全破损比例是0.25%。达到该上限需有至少150根燃料棒受损。Najmedin Meshkati, an engineering professor specializing in nuclear safety at the University of Southern California, said that it is fairly common for a few fuel rods to suffer damage in a nuclear reactor. But it is less common for radioactive gases to accumulate in the water and steam around the fuel rods to the point that regulators need to review what levels are safe, he said.南加州大学(University of Southern California)核安全领域的工程学教授纳杰梅丁·梅什卡蒂(Najmedin Meshkati)说,核反应堆中有少数燃料棒受损相当常见。但他说,燃料棒周围的水和蒸汽中,放射性气体的积聚程度达到了需要监管机构来审查什么水平属于安全的情况并不常见。“There is no question that something has happened,” he said, while adding that events inside the reactor are unlikely to pose a serious safety threat.“发生了一些情况,这毫无疑问,”他说,同时还说,反应堆内部的情况不太可能构成严重的安全威胁。The two nuclear reactors at Taishan use a new design developed in France. Two large French companies involved in the construction and operation of the reactors, Framatome and EDF, publicly acknowledged on Monday that difficulties had occurred in the operation of Reactor One at the site.台山核电厂的两个机组采用的是法国研制的新设计。参与机组建设和运营的两家法国大公司法玛通(Framatome)和法国电力集团(EDF)已在周一公开承认,台山核电厂1号机组的运行出现了困难。Fuel rods in nuclear reactors in the West also occasionally leak traces of radioactive gases into the water and steam that surrounds them. Leaks can occur when the exterior cladding of the rods is damaged by the bristles from brushes used during maintenance or other contaminants.西方国家核电厂机组中的燃料棒偶尔也会向其周围的水和蒸汽泄漏微量放射性气体。燃料棒的外部包层可能会被维护时使用的刷子刚毛或其他污染物损坏,导致泄漏发生。But China’s safety regulator, which is part of the Ministry of Ecology and the Environment, said that no leak into the environment had occurred. “At present, monitoring results of the radiation environment around the Taishan Nuclear Power Plant show that there is no abnormality in the radiation level around the nuclear power plant,” the statement said.但中国生态环境部下属的核安全局表示,没有发生环境泄漏。“目前,台山核电厂周边辐射环境监测结果显示核电厂周边辐射环境水平未见异常,”该机构的声明称。While the fuel rods have leaked a little into the surrounding water and steam, the water system itself is not leaking, the safety agency said. And even if the water system were to leak, the whole reactor is inside a very thick concrete dome that has not been breached, the agency added.国家核安全局说,虽然燃料棒周围的冷却水和蒸汽中出现了从燃料棒泄露出来的气体,但冷却剂系统本身没有发生泄漏。该机构补充说,即使冷却剂系统发生泄漏,为反应堆提供安全屏障的非常厚的混凝土密封壳仍完好无损。Liu Yi对本文有研究贡献。Keith Bradsher是《纽约时报》上海分社社长,曾任香港分社社长、底特律分社社长。他之前曾驻华盛顿报道国际贸易新闻,后驻纽约报道美国经济和通信行业,还曾担任航空业记者。欢迎在Twitter上关注他 @KeithBradsher。翻译:纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 中国否认台山核电站辐射泄露,承认燃料棒受损

197
全球多国面临“人口寒冬”,这意味着什么?

DAMIEN CAVE, EMMA BUBOLA, CHOE SANG-HUN2021年5月24日在北京一家餐馆吃火锅的的一家人。预计本世纪中国人口将急剧减少。 Gilles Sabrié for The New York TimesAll over the world, countries are confronting population stagnation and a fertility bust, a dizzying reversal unmatched in recorded history that will make first-birthday parties a rarer sight than funerals, and empty homes a common eyesore.世界各国都在面对人口增长停滞、出生率暴跌的问题,这场有历史记载以来最令人目眩的反转,将导致新生儿生日派对比葬礼罕见许多,碍眼的空房子也会随处可见。Maternity wards are already shutting down in Italy. Ghost cities are appearing in northeastern China. Universities in South Korea can’t find enough students, and in Germany, hundreds of thousands of properties have been razed, with the land turned into parks.意大利正在关闭一些产科病房。中国东北开始出现鬼城。韩国大学招生不足,德国有数十万房产被夷为平地,土地被改造成公园。Like an avalanche, the demographic forces — pushing toward more deaths than births — seem to be expanding and accelerating. Though some countries continue to see their populations grow, especially in Africa, fertility rates are falling nearly everywhere else. Demographers now predict that by the latter half of the century or possibly earlier, the global population will enter a sustained decline for the first time.这种如雪崩一般的人口趋势——死亡多于出生——正在扩大和加剧。有一些国家的人口在增长,尤其在非洲,不过其他地方出生率几乎都呈下降趋势。人口学家预测到本世纪进入后50年或更早的时候,全球人口将首次进入持续下降的趋势。A planet with fewer people could ease pressure on resources, slow the destructive impact of climate change and reduce household burdens for women. But the census announcements this month from China and the United States, which showed the slowest rates of population growth in decades for both countries, also point to hard-to-fathom adjustments.人口的减少可以缓解这个星球的资源压力,减轻气候变化的毁灭性冲击,并减轻女性的家务负担。但是本月中国和美国公布的人口普查结果显示,两国人口呈几十年来最慢的速度增长,其中也提到一些难以想象的调整。The strain of longer lives and low fertility, leading to fewer workers and more retirees, threatens to upend how societies are organized — around the notion that a surplus of Newbie trader people will drive economies and help pay for the old. It may also require a reconceptualization of family and nation. Imagine entire regions where everyone is 70 or older. Imagine governments laying out huge bonuses for immigrants and mothers with lots of children. Imagine a gig economy filled with grandparents and Super Bowl ads promoting procreation.寿命延长和低生育率会导致工作者数量减少,退休人员增加,可能会颠覆社会的组织方式——其核心观念是年轻人的过剩可以推动经济发展,负担老人的成本。此外还需要重新设想家庭和国家的概念。想象一个地区所有人都在70岁以上。想象政府要向移民和生育多个孩子的母亲提供高额奖励。想象大量的祖父母辈人士参与零工经济,以及超级碗上出现鼓励生育的广告。韩国首尔,一家兄弟姐妹们。该国的生育率是发达国家中最低的。“A paradigm shift is necessary,” said Frank Swiaczny, a German demographer who was the chief of population trends and analysis for the United Nations until last year. “Countries need to learn to live with and adapt to decline.”“进行一种范式转型是有必要的,”去年卸任的前联合国人口趋势和分析主管、德国人口学家弗兰克·斯维亚兹尼(Frank Swiaczny)说。“各国需要学会接受和适应这种下滑。”The ramifications and responses have already begun to appear, especially in East Asia and Europe. From Hungary to China, from Sweden to Japan, governments are struggling to balance the demands of a swelling older cohort with the needs of Newbie trader people whose most intimate decisions about childbearing are being shaped by factors both positive (more work opportunities for women) and negative (persistent gender inequality and high living costs).衍生性的影响和响应已经开始显现,尤其是在东亚和欧洲。从匈牙利到中国,从瑞典到日本,政府在日渐扩大的老龄人口的需求和年轻人的需求之间艰难地寻找平衡,对后者而言,生育后代这个极为私人的决策取决于一些正面(女性有更多工作机会)和负面(持续存在的性别不平等和高昂的生活成本)的因素。The 20th century presented a very different challenge. The global population saw its greatest increase in known history, from 1.6 billion in 1900 to 6 billion in 2000, as life spans lengthened and infant mortality declined. In some countries — representing about a third of the world’s people — those growth dynamics are still in play. By the end of the century, Nigeria could surpass China in population; across sub-Saharan Africa, families are still having four or five children.20世纪提出的挑战截然不同。随着寿命延长和婴儿死亡率下降,全球人口出现了史上最大幅的增长,从1900年的16亿增至2000年的60亿。在占世界人口约三分之一的一些国家里,这些增长动力仍在发挥作用。到本世纪末,尼日利亚人口可能超过中国;在撒哈拉以南的非洲,一个家庭仍然有四到五个孩子。But nearly everywhere else, the era of high fertility is ending. As women have gained more access to education and contraception, and as the anxieties associated with having children continue to intensify, more parents are delaying pregnancy and fewer babies are being born. Even in countries long associated with rapid growth, such as India and Mexico, birthrates are falling toward, or are already below, the replacement rate of 2.1 children per family.但是其他地方的高生育率时代基本上都已经步入尾声。随着女性获得更多的教育和避孕手段,以及与生育有关的焦虑继续加剧,越来越多的父母推迟怀孕,婴儿出生的数量也越来越少。即使是在印度和墨西哥等长期与人口快速增长相关的国家,出生率也在下降,或已经低于每个家庭2.1个孩子的更替率。华盛顿一处老年人中心。美国人口增长已经放缓到几十年来的最低水平。The change may take decades, but once it starts, decline (just like growth) spirals exponentially. With fewer births, fewer girls grow up to have children, and if they have smaller families than their parents did — which is happening in dozens of countries — the drop starts to look like a rock thrown off a cliff.这种变化可能需要几十年的时间,但一旦开始,下降的趋势(和增长一样)就会呈指数级加速。随着出生人数的减少,长大后能生孩子的女孩也会越来越少,如果她们的家庭规模比她们的父母小——这在几十个国家都在发生——那么下降趋势就会像是从悬崖扔下一块石头。“It becomes a cyclical mechanism,” said Stuart Gietel Basten, an expert on Asian demographics and a professor of social science and public policy at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. “It’s demographic momentum.”“这变成了一种循环机制,”香港科技大学社会科学和公共政策教授、亚洲人口问题专家斯图尔特·吉特尔·巴斯滕(Stuart Gietel Basten)说。“这是人口发展的势头。”Some countries, like the United States, Australia and Canada, where birthrates hover between 1.5 and 2, have blunted the impact with immigrants. But in Eastern Europe, migration out of the region has compounded depopulation, and in large parts of Asia, the “demographic time bomb” that first became a subject of debate a few decades ago has finally gone off.美国、澳大利亚和加拿大等国家的出生率徘徊在1.5到2之间,它们用移民冲淡了这种影响。但在东欧,人口外流加剧了人口减少,而在亚洲大部分地区,几十年前首次成为争论话题的“人口定时炸弹”终于引爆了。South Korea’s fertility rate dropped to a record low of 0.92 in 2019 — less than one child per woman, the lowest rate in the developed world. Every month for the past 59 months, the total number of babies born in the country has dropped to a record depth.2019年,韩国生育率降至0.92的历史新低,每名女性不到一个孩子,是发达国家中的最低生育率。在该国,过去的59个月里,每个月出生的婴儿总数都降到了历史最低水平。撒哈拉以南非洲的家庭通常仍有四五个孩子。到本世纪末,尼日利亚人口可能超过中国。That declining birthrate, coupled with a rapid industrialization that has pushed people from rural towns to big cities, has created what can feel like a two-tiered society. While major metropolises like Seoul continue to grow, putting intense pressure on infrastructure and housing, in regional towns it’s easy to find schools shut and abandoned, their playgrounds overgrown with weeds, because there are not enough children.不断下降的出生率,再加上快速的工业化把人们从农村推向大城市,创造了一个看起来像是两级社会的局面。首尔这样的大城市继续发展,给基础设施和住房带来巨大压力,与此同时,地方城镇很容易发现关闭和废弃的学校,没有足够的孩子入学,操场长满杂草。Expectant mothers in many areas can no longer find obstetricians or postnatal care centers. Universities below the elite level, especially outside Seoul, find it increasingly hard to fill their ranks — the number of 18-year-olds in South Korea has fallen from about 900,000 in 1992 to 500,000 today. To attract students, some schools have offered scholarships and even iPhones.许多地区的孕妇再也找不到产科医生或产后护理中心。不属于精英院校的大学,尤其是在首尔以外,招生越来越困难——韩国18岁学生的数量已经从1992年的90万下降到今天的50万。为了吸引学生,一些学校提供奖学金甚至iPhone手机。To goose the birthrate, the government has handed out baby bonuses. It increased child allowances and medical subsidies for fertility treatments and pregnancy. Health officials have showered newborns with gifts of beef, baby clothes and toys. The government is also building kindergartens and day care centers by the hundreds. In Seoul, every bus and subway car has pink seats reserved for WTO (World Trade Organization) women.为提高出生率,政府发放了婴儿奖金。政府还增加了儿童津贴,以及对生育治疗和怀孕的医疗补贴。卫生官员向新生儿赠送牛肉、婴儿衣服和玩具等礼物。政府还在建造数以百计的幼儿园和日托中心。在首尔,每辆公交车和地铁都有为孕妇预留的粉色座位。But this month, Deputy Prime Minister Hong Nam-ki admitted that the government — which has spent more than $178 billion over the past 15 years encouraging women to have more babies — was not making enough progress. In many families, the shift feels cultural and permanent.政府在过去15年里花费了超过1780亿美元鼓励女性多生孩子,但在本月,副总理洪楠基(Hong Nam-ki)承认,进展还不够。在许多家庭中,这种转变感觉是文化上的,而且是永久性的。韩国康津郡的一所乡村学校招收了不识字的老人,这样当该地区儿童数量减少时,学校就可以继续运行。“My grandparents had six children, and my parents five, because their generations believed in having multiple children,” said Kim Mi-kyung, 38, a stay-at-home parent. “I have only one child. To my and Newbie traderer generations, all things considered, it just doesn’t pay to have many children.”“我的祖父母有六个孩子,我的父母有五个,因为他们那代人认为应该有好几个孩子,”38岁的全职母亲金美京(Kim Mi-kyung,音)说。“我只有一个孩子。对我和年轻一代来说,综合考虑,生很多孩子不划算。”Thousands of miles away, in Italy, the sentiment is similar, with a different backdrop.在数千英里之外的意大利,人们的感受相似,只是背景不同。In a speech last Friday during a conference on Italy’s birthrate crisis, Pope Francis said the “demographic winter” was still “cold and dark.”教宗方济各(Pope Francis)上周五在一个有关意大利出生率危机的会议上发表讲话时说,“人口寒冬”仍然“寒冷而黑暗”。More people in more countries may soon be searching for their own metaphors. Birth projections often shift based on how governments and families respond, but according to projections by an international team of scientists published last year in The Lancet, 183 countries and territories — out of 195 — will have fertility rates below replacement level by 2100.在更多国家,更多人可能很快就会寻找他们自己关于人口的比喻。出生预测往往会根据政府和家庭的反应而变化,但根据一个国际科学家团队去年在《柳叶刀》(The Lancet)上发表的预测,到2100年,195个国家和地区中有183个生育率将低于更替水平。Their model shows an especially sharp decline for China, with its population expected to fall from 1.41 billion now to about 730 million in 2100. If that happens, the population pyramid would essentially flip. Instead of a base of Newbie trader workers supporting a narrower band of retirees, China would have as many 85-year-olds as 18-year-olds.他们的模型显示,中国的人口下降幅度特别大,预计到2100年,中国人口将从现在的14.1亿下降到约7.3亿。如果发生这种情况,人口金字塔就会翻转。中国将不再以年轻工人为基础来支持更少的退休人员,85岁的人将会和18岁的人一样多。即使在像印度这样经济连年增长的国家,出生率也在下降,接近或已经低于每个家庭2.1个孩子的更替率。China’s rust belt, in the northeast, saw its population drop by 1.2 percent in the past decade, according to census figures released on Tuesday. In 2016, Heilongjiang Province became the first in the country to have its pension system run out of money. In Hegang, a “ghost city” in the province that has lost almost 10 percent of its population since 2010, homes cost so little that people compare them to cabbage.5月11日公布的人口普查数据显示,在中国东北的“锈带”,人口在过去10年里下降了1.2%。2016年,黑龙江省成为全国第一个养老金系统出现资金枯竭的省份。鹤岗是该省的一座“鬼城”,自2010年以来已经失去了近10%的人口。那里的房屋的价格非常低,被人们称作白菜价。Many countries are beginning to accept the need to adapt, not just resist. South Korea is pushing for universities to merge. In Japan, where adult diapers now outsell ones for babies, municipalities have been consolidated as towns age and shrink. In Sweden, some cities have shifted resources from schools to elder care. And almost everywhere, older people are being asked to keep working. Germany, which previously raised its retirement age to 67, is now considering a bump to 69.许多国家开始接受适应趋势的需要,而不仅仅是抵抗。韩国正在推动大学合并。在日本,成人纸尿裤的销量现在超过了婴儿纸尿裤;随着城镇的老化和萎缩,市政区划也被整合。在瑞典,一些城市已经将资源从学校转移到老年人护理。几乎在所有地方,老年人都被要求继续工作。德国之前将退休年龄提高到67岁,现在正考虑提高到69岁。Going further than many other nations, Germany has also worked through a program of urban contraction: Demolitions have removed around 330,000 units from the housing stock since 2002.德国比其他许多国家走得更远,还实施了一项城市收缩计划:自2002年以来从存量中拆除了约33万套住房。And if the goal is revival, a few green shoots can be found. After expanding access to affordable child care and paid parental leave, Germany’s fertility rate recently increased to 1.54, up from 1.3 in 2006. Leipzig, which once was shrinking, is now growing again after reducing its housing stock and making itself more attractive with its smaller scale.如果目标是复兴,那么的确可以找到一些迹象。在扩大了可负担儿童保健和带薪育儿假的覆盖面后,德国的生育率从2006年的1.3上升到了最近的1.54。曾经一度萎缩的莱比锡,在减少住房存量并以较小的规模使自己更具吸引力后,现在人口又开始增长了。“Growth is a challenge, as is decline,” said Mr. Swiaczny, who is now a senior research fellow at the Federal Institute for Population Research in Germany.“增长是一个挑战,衰落也是,”现在是德国联邦人口研究所(Federal Institute for Population research)高级研究员的斯维亚兹尼说。意大利阿恰罗利的一对夫妇。意大利许多村庄的人口急剧老龄化,数量也在减少。Demographers warn against seeing population decline as simply a cause for alarm. Many women are having fewer children because that’s what they want. Smaller populations could lead to higher wages, more equal societies, lower carbon emissions and a higher quality of life for the smaller numbers of children who are born.人口学家警告说,不要把人口下降仅仅看作是敲响警钟的一个原因。许多女性少生孩子,因为这是她们想要的。更少的人口可以带来更高的工资,更平等的社会和更低的碳排放,以及因少生孩子带来的更高生活质量。But, said Professor Gietel Basten, quoting Casanova: “There is no such thing as destiny. We ourselves shape our lives.”但是,吉特尔·巴斯滕教授引用卡萨诺瓦(Casanova)的话说:“没有所谓的命运。我们自己塑造自己的生活。”The challenges ahead are still a cul-de-sac — no country with a serious slowdown in population growth has managed to increase its fertility rate much beyond the minor uptick that Germany accomplished. There is little sign of wage growth in shrinking countries, and there is no guarantee that a smaller population means less stress on the environment.未来的挑战仍然是一条死胡同——除了德国实现的小幅上升之外,没有一个人口增长严重放缓的国家能够成功提高生育率。在经济萎缩的国家几乎没有工资增长的迹象,也不能保证人口减少就意味着环境压力减少。Many demographers argue that the current moment may look to future historians like a period of transition or gestation, when humans either did or did not figure out how to make the world more hospitable — enough for people to build the families that they want.许多人口学家认为,在未来的历史学家看来,当前的时刻可能是一个过渡期或酝酿期,它决定着人类能否想出办法,让世界变得更加友好,足以让人们建立他们想要的家庭。在北京的一个退休社区打台球的人。中国人口增长的快速放缓将对经济构成挑战。Surveys in many countries show that Newbie trader people would like to be having more children, but face too many obstacles.许多国家的调查显示,年轻人想要更多的孩子,但面临太多的障碍。Anna Parolini tells a common story. She left her small hometown in northern Italy to find better job opportunities. Now 37, she lives with her boyfriend in Milan and has put her desire to have children on hold.安娜·帕罗里尼(Anna Parolini)讲了一个常见的故事。为了寻找更好的工作机会,她离开了位于意大利北部的家乡。现年37岁的她和男友住在米兰,暂时搁置了要孩子的愿望。She is afraid her salary of less than 2,000 euros a month would not be enough for a family, and her parents still live where she grew up.她担心自己每月不到2000欧元的薪水不够养家糊口,而她的父母仍住在她的家乡。“I don’t have anyone here who could help me,” she said. “Thinking of having a child now would make me gasp.”“这里没有人能帮助我,”她说。“现在一想到要孩子,我就会深吸一口气。”Elsie Chen、Christopher Schuetze和Benjamin Novak对本文有报道贡献。Damien Cave是澳大利亚悉尼分社社长。他此前曾在墨西哥城、哈瓦那、贝鲁特和巴格达报道新闻。自2004年加入《纽约时报》以来,他还担任过国内新闻副主编、迈阿密分社社长和纽约市记者。欢迎在Twitter上关注他 @damiencave。Choe Sang-Hun是《纽约时报》首尔分社社长,负责报道朝韩新闻。翻译:杜然、邓妍点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 全球多国面临“人口寒冬”,这意味着什么?

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General News 经济新闻 / 中美之间必有一战吗?
« on: May 04, 2021, 12:25:08 AM »
中美之间必有一战吗?

托马斯·弗里德曼2021年4月28日 Cancan Chu/Getty ImagesIf you’re looking for a compelling beach read this summer, I recommend the novel “2034,” by James Stavridis, a retired admiral, and Elliot Ackerman, a former Marine and intelligence officer. The book is about how China and America go to war in 2034, beginning with a naval battle near Taiwan and with China acting in a tacit alliance with Iran and Russia.如果你在寻找这个夏天引人入胜的海边读物,我推荐由退休海军上将詹姆斯·斯塔夫里迪斯(James Stavridis)和前海军陆战队员、情报官员埃利奥特·阿克曼(Elliot Ackerman)共同创作的小说《2034》。该书讲述了中美在2034年发动战争,以台湾附近的海战以及中国与伊朗、俄罗斯的默契结盟拉开帷幕。I’m not giving it all away to say China and the U.S. end up in a nuclear shootout and incinerate a few of each other’s cities, and the result is that neutral India becomes the dominant world power. (Hey, it’s a novel!)我不会告诉你,中国和美国最终打起了核战,并摧毁了对方的几座城市,最后中立的印度变成了主导全球的大国。(嘿,这只是一本小说!)What made the book unnerving, though, was that when I’d put it down and pick up the day’s newspaper I’d read much of what it was predicting for 13 years from now:然而,这本书令人感到不安的是,当我放下它并拿起当天的报纸时,我看到的是它对13年后的大部分预测。Iran and China just signed a 25-year cooperation agreement. Vladimir Putin just massed troops on the border of Ukraine while warning the U.S. that anyone who threatens Russia “will regret their deeds more than they have regretted anything in a long time.” As fleets of Chinese fighter jets, armed with electronic warfare technology, now regularly buzz Taiwan, China’s top foreign affairs policymaker just declared that the U.S. “does not have the qualification … to speak to China from a position of strength.”伊朗和中国刚刚签署了为期25年的合作协议。弗拉基米尔·普京(Vladimir Putin)刚在乌克兰边境集结了部队,同时警告美国,任何威胁俄罗斯的人“将对自己的所作所为感到前所未有的后悔”。现在,装备有电子战技术的中国战斗机机队经常骚扰台湾,中国最高外交政策制定者刚刚宣布,美国“没有资格居高临下同中国说话”。Yikes, that’s life imitating art a little too closely for comfort. Why now?哎呀,这贴近生活的艺术贴得太近,以至于让人感到不舒服。那为什么是现在?The answer can be found, in part, in a book I have written about before: Michael Mandelbaum’s “The Rise and Fall of Peace on Earth.” It tracks how we went from a world defined by the Cold War between American democracy and Soviet communism — 1945 to 1989 — to a singularly peaceful quarter century without big power conflict, buttressed by spreading democracy and global economic interdependence — 1989 to about 2015 — to our current, much more dangerous era in which China, Iran and Russia are each deflecting the pressures of democracy and the need to deliver constant economic growth by offering their people aggressive hypernationalism instead.部分答案可以从一本我曾提到过的书中找到:迈克尔·曼德尔鲍姆(Michael Mandelbaum)的《世界和平的兴衰》(The Rise and Fall of Peace on Earth)。它回溯了历史的进程:从美国民主与苏联共产主义之间的冷战(1945年~1989年),到没有发生大国冲突、以传播民主和全球经济相互依存支撑的特别平和的四分之一个世纪(1989年~2015年),到我们眼下更加危险的时代——中国、伊朗和俄罗斯都在通过向人民提供激进的极端民族主义来转移民主的压力,以及实现经济持续增长的需要。What has made this return of Chinese, Iranian and Russian aggressive nationalism even more dangerous is that, in each country, it is married to state-led industries — particularly military industries — and it’s emerging at a time when America’s democracy is weakening.使中国、伊朗和俄罗斯的激进民族主义变得更加危险的是,以上每个国家都和国家主导的产业密不可分——特别是军事产业,而且这种激进的民族主义崛起的时刻正值美国民主制度日趋削弱之时。Our debilitating political and cultural civil war, inflamed by social networks, is hobbling Americans’ ability to act in unison and for Washington to be a global stabilizer and institution builder, as the United States was after World War II.社交网络激化了我们令人感到乏力的政治和文化内战,阻碍了美国人团结的能力,也阻碍了华盛顿像“二战”后那样,成为一个全球稳定的维护者和制度建设者。Our foolish decision to expand NATO into Russia’s face — after the fall of the Soviet Union — hardened post-Communist Russia into an enemy instead of a potential partner, creating the ideal conditions for an anti-Western autocrat like Putin to emerge. (Imagine if Russia, a country with which we have zero trade or border disputes, were OUR ally today vis-à-vis China and Iran and not THEIR ally in disputes with us.)在苏联解体后,我们把北约扩张到俄罗斯的面前,这一愚蠢的决定使后共产主义时代的俄罗斯变成了敌人,而不是潜在的伙伴,从而为普京这样的反西方独裁者的崛起创造了理想条件。(想象一下,如果与我们没有贸易或边境争端的俄罗斯现在是我们的盟友,而不是与我们存在争端的中国和伊朗的盟友。)Meanwhile, the failure of the U.S. interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq to produce the pluralism and decency hoped for after 9/11, coupled with the 2008 economic crisis and the current pandemic — together with the general hollowing out of America’s manufacturing base — has weakened both American self-confidence and the world’s confidence in America.同时,在911之后,美国对阿富汗和伊拉克的干预未能产生希望出现的多元化和良好结果,再加上2008年的经济危机和当前的大流行——以及美国制造业基础的普遍空洞化——不但削弱了美国的自信心,也削弱了世界对美国的信心。The result? Right when China, Russia and Iran are challenging the post-World War II order more aggressively than ever, many wonder whether the United States has the energy, allies and resources for a new geopolitical brawl.结果呢?正当中国、俄罗斯和伊朗比以往任何时候都更加积极地挑战“二战”后的世界秩序时,许多人都怀疑美国是否拥有足够的精力、盟友和资源来应对一场新的地缘政治争端。“Just because communism is gone — and we don’t have two political and economic systems that claim universal legitimacy competing to govern every country — doesn’t mean that ideological considerations have disappeared from international politics,” Mandelbaum argued to me.曼德尔鲍姆对我说:“仅仅因为共产主义消失了——不再有两个政治和经济体系为了统治每个国家而竞相争夺普世合法性——并不意味着意识形态方面的考虑已经从国际政治中消失了。”Regimes like those in China, Iran and Russia feel much more threatened — more than we think — by democracy, Mandelbaum added. During the first decade of the 21st century, these regimes were able to generate sufficient public support through economic progress. But after that proved more difficult in the second decade of the 21st century, “the leaders of these countries need to find a substitute, and the one they have chosen is hypernationalism.”曼德尔鲍姆还说,像中国、伊朗和俄罗斯这样的政权感受到的民主威胁远超我们的想像。在21世纪的前10年,这些政权能够通过经济进步获得足够的公众支持。但是在21世纪第二个10年里,已证实这变得更加困难了,“这些国家的领导人需要寻找一个替代物,而他们选择的是极端民族主义。”Are we up to the challenge? I’m pretty sure we can keep a more aggressive, nationalistic Russia and Iran deterred at a reasonable cost, and with the help of our traditional allies.我们准备好迎接挑战了吗?我很确定,在传统盟友的帮助下,我们可以以合理的代价威慑越发激进的、民族主义的俄罗斯和伊朗。But China is another question. So we’d better understand where our strengths and weaknesses lie, as well as China’s.但是中国就不一样了。所以我们最好知己知彼。China is now a true peer competitor in the military, technological and economic realms, except — except in one critical field: designing and manufacturing the most advanced microprocessors and logic and memory chips that are the base layer for artificial intelligence, machine learning, high-performance computing, electric vehicles, telecommunications — i.e., the whole digital economy that we’re moving into.中国现在是军事、技术和经济领域的真正竞争对手,然而——一个关键领域除外:设计和制造最先进的微处理器、逻辑和存储芯片,它们是人工智能、机器学习、高性能计算机、电动汽车、电信的基础,也是我们正在迈进的整个数字经济。China’s massive, state-led effort to develop its own vertically integrated microchip industry has so far largely failed to master the physics and hardware to manipulate matter at the nano-scale, a skill required to mass produce super-sophisticated microprocessors.迄今为止,中国政府主导的、大规模发展本国垂直集成微芯片产业的努力,在很大程度上未能掌握对物理和硬件在纳米级水平上的操作,而这是大规模生产超精密微处理器所需的技能。However, just a few miles away from China sits the largest and most sophisticated contract chip maker in the world: Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company. According to the Congressional Research Service, TSMC is one of only three manufacturers in the world that fabricate the most advanced semiconductor chips — and by far the biggest. The second and third are Samsung and Intel.但是,距离中国不远处就是世界上最大、最先进的代工芯片制造商台湾半导体制造公司(Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company,简称台积电)。根据国会研究服务部(Congressional Research Service)的数据,台积电是世界上仅有的三家最先进的半导体芯片制造商之一,也是迄今为止最大的一家。排在第二和第三的是三星和英特尔。Most chip designers, like IBM, Qualcomm, Nvidia, AMD (and even Intel to some extent) now use TSMC and Samsung to make the microprocessors they design.大多数芯片设计者,例如IBM、高通(Qualcomm)、英伟达(Nvidia)、超威半导体(AMD)(甚至在某种程度上还包括英特尔),现在都使用台积电和三星来制造它们设计的微处理器。But, just as important, three of the five companies that make the super-sophisticated lithography machines, tools and software used by TSMC and others to actually make the microchips — Applied Materials, Lam Research Corporation and KLA Corporation — are based in the United States. (The other two are Dutch and Japanese.) China largely lacks this expertise.但同样重要的是,制造台积电和其他公司在实际制造微芯片时使用的超精密光刻机、工具和软件的五家公司当中,有三家都在美国。(另外两个在荷兰和日本。)中国基本上缺乏这个能力。As such, the American government has the leverage to restrict TSMC from making advanced chips for Chinese companies. Indeed, just two weeks ago, the U.S. made TSMC suspend new orders from seven Chinese supercomputing centers suspected of assisting in the country’s weapons development.因此,美国政府拥有限制台积电为中国公司制造先进芯片的筹码。确实,就在两周前,美国使台积电暂停了来自七个中国超级计算中心的新订单,因为它们涉嫌协助该国的武器开发。The South China Morning Post quoted Francis Lau, a University of Hong Kong computer scientist, as saying: “The sanctions would definitely affect China’s ability to keep to its leading position in supercomputing,” because all of its current supercomputers mostly use processors from Intel or designed by AMD and IBM and manufactured by TSMC. Although there are Korean and Japanese alternatives, Lau added, they are not as powerful.《南华早报》援引香港大学计算机科学家刘智满的话说:“制裁肯定会影响中国在超级计算领域保持领先地位的能力”,因为其目前所有超级计算机都主要使用英特尔的处理器,或由AMD和IBM设计、台积电制造的处理器。刘智满还说,虽然有韩国和日本的替代品,但它们没有那么强大。China, though, is doubling down on research in the physics, nanotechnology and material sciences that will drive the next generation of chips and chip-making equipment. But it could take China a decade or more to reach the cutting edge.不过,中国将加大在物理、纳米技术和材料科学方面的研究,这将推动下一代芯片和芯片制造设备的发展。但是中国可能要花十年甚至更长的时间才能达到最前沿。That’s why — today — as much as China wants Taiwan for reasons of ideology, it wants TSMC in the pocket of Chinese military industries for reasons of strategy. And as much as U.S. strategists are committed to preserving Taiwan’s democracy, they are even more committed to ensuring that TSMC doesn’t fall into China’s hands for reasons of strategy. (TSMC is now building a new semiconductor factory in Phoenix). Because, in a digitizing world, he who controls the best chip maker will control … a lot.这就是为什么,在今天,中国虽然是出于意识形态的原因希望收复台湾,但出于战略原因,它也希望将台积电收入中国军工产业囊中。尽管美国战略家致力于维护台湾的民主,但他们出于战略原因更加致力于确保台积电不会落入中国之手。(台积电现在正在凤凰城建立一个新的半导体工厂。)因为在一个数字化的世界中,掌控最好的芯片制造商就能够掌控……很多东西。Just read “2034.” In the novel, China gains the technological edge with superior A.I.-driven cybercloaking, satellite spoofing and stealth materials. It’s then able to launch a successful surprise attack on the U.S. Pacific Fleet.读一读《2034》吧。在这部小说中,中国凭借卓越的人工智能驱动的网络隐身、卫星欺骗干扰和隐形材料获得了技术优势。这时,它有能力对美国太平洋舰队发动一次成功的突袭。And the first thing China does is seize Taiwan.中国要做的第一件事就是占领台湾。Let’s make sure that stays the stuff of fiction.让我们确保这一切仍然是虚构的东西。托马斯·L·弗里德曼(Thomas L. Friedman)是外交事务方面的专栏作者。他1981年加入时报,曾三次获得普利策奖。他著有七本书,包括赢得国家图书奖的《从贝鲁特到耶路撒冷》(From Beirut to Jerusalem)。欢迎在Twitter和Facebook上关注他。翻译:纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 中美之间必有一战吗?

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在谷歌遭遇性骚扰后,我再也不会爱上一份工作

EMI NIETFELD2021-04-08 15:13:22
I used to be a Google engineer. That often feels like the defining fact about my life. When I joined the company after college in 2015, it was at the start of a multiyear reign atop Forbes’s list of best workplaces.我曾是一名谷歌(Google)工程师。总感觉这就是定义我人生的事实。2015年大学毕业后进入这家公司时,它正要开始在《福布斯》(Forbes)最佳工作场所排行榜榜首连续多年的蝉联。I bought into the Google dream completely. In high school, I spent time homeless and in foster care, and was often ostracized for being nerdy. I longed for the prestige of a blue-chip job, the security it would bring and a collegial environment where I would work alongside people as driven as I was.我彻底信了谷歌梦。高中时,我一度无家可归,进寄养系统,因为像个书呆子总是格格不入。我渴望在一家蓝筹企业工作的风光,它所带来的安全感,以及一个大学式的环境,让我可以和像我一样有干劲的人共事。What I found was a surrogate family. During the week, I ate all my meals at the office. I went to the Google doctor and the Google gym. My colleagues and I piled into Airbnbs on business trips, played volleyball in Maui after a big product launch and even spent weekends together, once paying $170 and driving hours to run an obstacle course in the freezing rain.我找到的是一个寄养之家。周中我在办公室吃一日三餐。我看谷歌的医生,去谷歌的健身房。我和同事们会在出差时挤进爱彼迎(Airbnb)客房,在大型产品发布会后到茂宜岛打排球,甚至连周末都一起度过,有次花了170美元,在一个寒冷的雨天驱车几小时去一个障碍场训练。My manager felt like the father I wished I’d had. He believed in my potential and cared about my feelings. All I wanted was to keep getting promoted so that as his star rose, we could keep working together. This gave purpose to every task, no matter how grueling or tedious.我的经理就像我渴望拥有的父亲。他相信我的潜力,关心我的感受。我想要的就是继续升职,这样一来,他手下的明星冉冉升起,我们就能继续合作了。这让每一项工作任务都有了使命感,无论多么劳累或乏味。

The few people who’d worked at other companies reminded us that there was nowhere better. I believed them, even when my technical lead — not my manager, but the man in charge of my day-to-day work — addressed me as “beautiful” and “gorgeous,” even after I asked him to stop. (Finally, I agreed that he could call me “my queen.”) He used many of our one-on-one meetings to ask me to set him up with friends, then said he wanted “A blonde. A tall blonde.” Someone who looked like me.在其他公司工作过的少数几个人提醒我们,没有比这更好的地方了。我相信他们的话,虽然我的技术主管(不是我的经理,而是负责我日常工作的男性)用“美丽”和“惊艳”描述我,哪怕我已经要求他别再这么说。(最后,我同意他可以称呼我为“我的女王”。)在我们的一对一会面中,他多次让我给他介绍朋友,然后说他想要“一个金发的。金发高个”。就是看起来像我的人。Saying anything about his behavior meant challenging the story we told ourselves about Google being so special. The company anticipated our every need — nap pods, massage chairs, Q-Tips in the bathroom, a shuttle system to compensate for the Bay Area’s dysfunctional public transportation — until the outside world began to seem hostile. Google was the Garden of Eden; I lived in fear of being cast out.只要提到他的行为,就意味着质疑我们告诉自己的谷歌有多么特别的故事。这家公司预见到我们的每个需求——小憩舱、按摩椅、洗手间的棉签、弥补旧金山公共交通瘫痪的通勤系统——直到外部世界看起来充满敌意。谷歌就是伊甸园;而我生活在被驱逐出园的恐惧中。When I talked to outsiders about the harassment, they couldn’t understand: I had one of the Forex and Stock Speculatingiest jobs in the world. How bad could it be? I asked myself this, too. I worried that I was taking things personally and that if anyone knew I was upset, they’d think I wasn’t tough enough to hack it in our intense environment.当我对外人提及遭遇的骚扰时,他们无法理解:我在做世界上最爽的工作之一。能有多糟呢?我也问过自己这个问题。我怕我太感情用事,如果别人发现我在生气,会认为是我不够坚强,不能在我们紧张的工作环境中应付过去。So I didn’t tell my manager about my tech lead’s behavior for more than a year. Playing along felt like the price of inclusion. I spoke up only when it looked like he would become an official manager — my manager — replacing the one I adored and wielding even more power over me. At least four other women said that he’d made them uncomfortable, in addition to two senior engineers who already made it clear that they wouldn’t work with him.所以,在一年多时间里,我没有将技术主管的行为告诉我的经理。顺从行事似乎就是融入的代价。只有当他即将取代我所崇敬的人,成为正式经理——也就是我的经理——对我拥有更大权力的时候,我才说出这一切。除了两名已经明确表示不愿与他共事的高级工程师外,至少还有另外四名女性声称,他让她们感觉不舒服。As soon as my complaint with H.R. was filed, Google went from being a great workplace to being any other company: It would protect itself first. I’d structured my life around my job — exactly what they wanted me to do — but that only made the fallout worse when I learned that the workplace that I cherished considered me just an employee, one of many and disposable.在我向人力部门投诉的那一刻,谷歌就从一个顶级工作场所变成了其他任何公司:它最先做的事就是保护自己。正如他们所希望的那样,我把工作变成了生活中心,但当我发现我所珍视的工作场所仅仅把我当作一名和很多人一样可以随意处置的员工,这只会让后果更加糟糕。The process stretched out for nearly three months. In the meantime I had to have one-on-one meetings with my harasser and sit next to him. Every time I asked for an update on the timeline and expressed my discomfort at having to continue to work in proximity to my harasser, the investigators said that I could seek counseling, work from home or go on leave. I later learned that Google had similar responses to other employees who reported racism or Forex and Stock Speculatingism. Claire Stapleton, one of the 2018 walkout organizers, was encouraged to take leave, and Timnit Gebru, a lead researcher on Google’s Ethical AI team, was encouraged to seek mental health care before being forced out.整个过程持续了近三个月。在此期间,我不得不与骚扰我的人单独会面,还要坐在他旁边。每次我找调查人员询问进展,以及对必须在骚扰者附近继续工作表达不安,他们都会说,我可以寻求心理咨询、在家工作或是休假。后来我了解到,谷歌对其他报告种族或性别歧视的员工也有类似的反应。2018年罢工的组织者之一克莱尔·斯台普顿(Claire Stapleton)被劝休假,谷歌伦理人工智能(Ethical AI)团队的首席研究员蒂姆尼特·格布鲁(Timnit Gebru)在被迫离职前曾被劝寻求心理治疗。I resisted. How would being alone by myself all day, apart from my colleagues, friends and support system, possibly help? And I feared that if I stepped away, the company wouldn’t continue the investigation.我拒绝这么做。没有同事、朋友和支援系统,我整天一个人待着能有什么用?我也担心,如果我离开,公司就不会继续调查下去了。Eventually, the investigators corroborated my claims and found my tech lead violated the Code of Conduct and the policy against harassment. My harasser still sat next to me. My manager told me H.R. wouldn’t even make him change his desk, let alone work from home or go on leave. He also told me that my harasser received a consequence that was severe and that I would feel better if I could know what it was, but it sure seemed like nothing happened.最终,调查人员证实了我的说法,发现我的技术主管违反了行为准则和反骚扰政策。骚扰我的人还坐在我旁边。我的经理告诉我,人力甚至不会让他更换工位,更别说在家工作或休假了。他还告诉我,骚扰者已经承受了严重后果,如果我能知道那是什么,或许会感觉好一些,但看起来就像什么都没有发生。The aftermath of speaking up had broken me down. It dredged up the betrayals of my past that I’d gone into tech trying to overcome. I’d made myself vulnerable to my manager and the investigators but felt I got nothing solid in return. I was constantly on edge from seeing my harasser in the hallways and at the cafes. When people came up behind my desk, I startled more and more easily, my scream echoing across the open-floor-plan office. I worried I’d get a poor performance review, ruining my upward trajectory and setting my career back even further.发声的后果让我崩溃。它让我想起了过去遭遇的背叛,我进入科技行业就是为了摆脱这些。我让自己在经理和调查人员面前不堪一击,但我觉得我没有得到任何实质性的回报。在走廊和餐厅里见到骚扰者,我总是紧张不安。有人到我工位后面,我越来越容易受到惊吓,我的尖叫声就在开放式办公室里回响。我害怕自己的绩效评估会很差,毁掉我的升职轨迹,让我的职业生涯倒退更多。I went weeks without sleeping through the night.有好几个星期我都没睡过整觉。I decided to take three months of paid leave. I feared that going on leave would set me back for promotion in a place where almost everyone’s progress is public and seen as a measure of an engineer’s worth and expertise. Like most of my colleagues, I’d built my life around the company. It could so easily be taken away. People on leave weren’t supposed to enter the office — where I went to the gym and had my entire social life.我决定请三个月的带薪假。我担心在一个几乎所有人的进步都是公开的,并被视为工程师价值和专业水平衡量标准的地方,休假会阻碍我升职。和大多数同事一样,我的生活围绕着公司转。它太容易被夺走了。休假的人不该进入办公室——那是我去健身房,以及我全部社交生活所在的地方。Fortunately, I still had a job when I got back. If anything, I was more eager than ever to excel, to make up for lost time. I was able to earn a very high performance rating — my second in a row. But it seemed clear I would not be a candidate for promotion. After my leave, the manager I loved started treating me as fragile. He tried to analyze me, suggesting that I drank too much caffeine, didn’t sleep enough or needed more cardiovascular exercise. Speaking out irreparably damaged one of my most treasured relationships. Six months after my return, when I broached the subject of promotion, he told me, “People in wood houses shouldn’t light matches.”幸运的是,回来的时候,我还有一份工作。如果说有什么不同的话,那就是我比以往任何时候都更加渴望出类拔萃,渴望弥补失去的时间。我获得了很高的绩效评价,这是我连续第二次获得高评价。但很明显,我不会成为晋升人选。我离开后,我曾经很喜欢的那位经理开始把我当成脆弱的人。他试着分析我,觉得我摄入了太多咖啡因,睡眠不足,或者需要更多的有氧锻炼。说出来的话不可挽回地破坏了我最珍贵的一段感情。我回来六个月后向他提出升职的问题,他告诉我:“住在木头房子里的人不应该点火柴。”When I didn’t get a promotion, some of my stock grants ran out and so I effectively took a big pay cut. Nevertheless, I wanted to stay at Google. I still believed, despite everything, that Google was the best company in the world. Now I see that my judgment was clouded, but after years of idolizing my workplace, I couldn’t imagine life beyond its walls.我没有得到升职,而且我的一些股票奖励用完了,所以我实际上遭到了大幅减薪。尽管如此,我还是想留在谷歌。不管怎样,我仍然相信谷歌是世界上最好的公司。现在我明白了,我的判断力被蒙蔽了,但是这么多年来,我一直崇拜着我的工作场所,我无法想象离开它之后的生活。So I interviewed with and got offers from two other top tech companies, hoping that Google would match. In response, Google offered me slightly more money than I was making, but it was still significantly less than my competing offers. I was told that the Google finance office calculated what I was worth to the company. I couldn’t help thinking that this calculus included the complaint I’d filed and the time I’d taken off as a consequence.所以我去了另外两家顶尖科技公司面试,并且得到了他们的录用通知,希望谷歌能够给我匹配的待遇。作为回应,谷歌向我提供比我当时多一点的薪水,但仍然远远低于另外两家公司的竞价。我被告知谷歌财务办公室计算了我对公司的价值。我不禁想到,这个计算包括了我提出的投诉,以及我因此请假的时间。I felt I had no choice but to leave, this time for good. Google’s meager counteroffer was final proof that this job was just a job and that I’d be more valued if I went elsewhere.我觉得我别无选择,只能离开,这次是永远离开。谷歌微薄的还价最终证明了这份工作只是一份工作,如果我去别的地方会更有价值。After I quit, I promised myself to never love a job again. Not in the way I loved Google. Not with the devotion businesses wish to inspire when they provide for employees’ most basic needs like food and health care and belonging. No publicly traded company is a family. I fell for the fantasy that it could be.辞职后,我向自己保证,我再也不会热爱一份工作了。不会像我热爱谷歌那样。当企业为员工提供食品、医疗保健和归属感等最基本的需求时,它们希望能激发员工的奉献精神,这样的感情我再也不会有。任何上市公司都不可能成为什么大家庭。我却爱上了那种它是一个家的幻觉。So I took a role at a firm to which I felt no emotional attachment. I like my colleagues, but I’ve never met them in person. I found my own doctor; I cook my own food. My manager is 26 — too Newbie trader for me to expect any parental warmth from him. When people ask me how I feel about my new position, I shrug: It’s a job.所以我去了一家我并不依恋的公司工作。我喜欢我的同事,但我从没见过他们本人。我自己找医生;我自己做饭。我的主管才26岁,他太年轻了,我不可能从他那里得到父母般的温暖。人们问我对新工作感觉如何,我耸耸肩:只是一份工作。Emi Nietfeld是一名纽约的软件工程师,即将出版回忆录《Acceptance》,这本书讲述了她在谷歌的经历。翻译:晋其角、邓妍点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 在谷歌遭遇性骚扰后,我再也不会爱上一份工作

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苏宁深陷财务困境,国际米兰前途未卜

TARIQ PANJA,TARIQ PANJA2021-03-17 16:24:46国际米兰的前锋罗梅卢·卢卡库在上个月与AC米兰的比赛中。2015年至2017年间,中国投资者斥资18亿美元收购了十几支欧洲足球队的股份。
HONG KONG — The new, high-rolling Chinese owner was supposed to return Inter Milan to its glory days. It spent heavily on prolific scorers like Romelu Lukaku and Christian Eriksen. After five years of investment, the storied Milan soccer club is within striking distance of its first Italian league title in a decade.香港——高调的中国新东家本应让国际米兰队恢复昔日辉煌。它在罗梅卢·卢卡库(Romelu Lukaku)和克里斯蒂安·埃里克森(Christian Eriksen)等战绩丰硕的得分手上投入了大量资金。经过五年的投资,这座传奇的米兰足球俱乐部距离其十年来的首个意大利联赛冠军仅一步之遥。Now the bill has come due — and Inter Milan’s future is suddenly in doubt.现在账单来了——突然间,国际米兰前途未卜。Suning, an electronics retailer that is the club’s majority owner, is strapped for cash and trying to sell its stake. The club is bleeding money. Some of its players have agreed to defer payment, according to one person close to the club who requested anonymity because the information isn’t public.俱乐部的主要所有者、电子零售商苏宁现金紧缺,正试图出售其股份。俱乐部亏损严重。一位与俱乐部关系紧密的人士说,部分球员已经同意俱乐部推迟支付薪水,由于这是非公开信息,此人要求不具名。Inter Milan has held talks with at least one potential investor, but the parties couldn’t agree on a price, according to others with knowledge of the negotiations.据了解谈判情况的其他人士说,国际米兰已经与至少一位潜在投资者进行了谈判,但是双方无法就价格达成共识。Suning’s soccer aspirations are crumbling at home, too. The company abruptly shut down its domestic team four months after the club won China’s national championship. Some stars, many of whom chose to play there instead of in Chelsea or Liverpool, have said they have gone unpaid.在国内,苏宁的足球理想也在破灭。在赢得中超冠军四个月后,该公司突然将其国内球队解散。一些选择去那里而不是切尔西或利物浦的球星说,他们一直没有收到薪水。China has failed in its dream of becoming a global player in the world’s most popular sport. Spurred in part by the ambitions of Xi Jinping, China’s top leader and an ardent soccer fan, a new breed of Chinese tycoons plowed billions of dollars into marquee clubs and star players, transforming the economics of the game. Chinese investors spent $1.8 billion acquiring stakes in more than a dozen European teams between 2015 and 2017, and China’s cash-soaked domestic league paid the largest salaries ever bestowed on overseas recruits.中国未能实现进军全球最受欢迎运动的梦想。中国新一代大亨们向大型俱乐部和明星球员投入了数十亿美元——部分是受到了中国最高领导人、忠实球迷习近平的足球梦的推动——从而改变了这个运动的经济方式。在2015年至2017年期间,中国投资者斥资18亿美元收购了十几支欧洲球队的股份,而中国资金充沛的国内联赛则支付向外援支付前所未有的高薪。But the splurge exposed international soccer to the peculiarities of the Chinese business world. Deep involvement by the Communist Party make companies vulnerable to sharp shifts in the political winds. The free-spending tycoons often lacked international experience or sophistication.但是这种挥金如土使国际足球暴露于中国商业世界的特殊风险。共产党的深入参与使公司容易受到政治风向的急剧转变。花钱大手大脚的大亨通常缺乏国际经验或不够成熟。Now, talks of defaults, fire sales and hasty exits dominate discussions around boardroom tables. A mining magnate lost control of A.C. Milan amid questions about his business empire. The owner of a soap maker and food additive company gave up his stake in Aston Villa. An energy conglomerate shed its stake in Slavia Prague after its founder disappeared.现在,关于违约、资产甩卖和仓促退出的讨论占据董事会会议的主要内容。一位矿业大亨因人们对其商业帝国的质疑而失去了对AC米兰的控制权。一家制作肥皂和食品添加剂的公司的所有者放弃了在阿斯顿维拉(Aston Villa)的股份。一家能源集团在其创始人失踪后放弃了在布拉格斯拉维亚(Slavia Prague)的股权。Suning’s plight reflects “the whole rise and fall of this era of Chinese football,” said Zhe Ji, the director of Red Lantern, a sports marketing company that works in China for top European soccer teams. “When people were talking about Chinese football and all the attention it got in 2016, it came very fast, but it’s gone very fast, too.”体育营销公司Red Lantern在中国为欧洲顶级足球队服务,其负责人季哲(音)说,苏宁的困境反映了“中国整个足球时代的兴衰。当人们谈论中国足球及其在2016年获得的所有关注时,它来的很快,但去的也很快”。Suning paid $306 million in 2016 for a major stake in Inter Milan. Suning is a household name in China, with stores stocked with computers, iPads and rice cookers for the country’s growing middle class. While it has been hurt by China’s e-commerce revolution, it counts Alibaba, the online shopping titan, as a major investor.苏宁在2016年以3.06亿美元的价格收购了国际米兰的主要股份。苏宁在中国是家喻户晓的电器商,店里摆满了电脑、iPad和电饭锅,以满足该国不断增长的中产阶级的需求。尽管受到中国电子商务革命的打击,网购巨头阿里巴巴却是其主要投资者。On a brightly lit stage to announce the Inter Milan deal, Zhang Jindong, Suning’s billionaire founder and chairman, raised a champagne glass and talked about how the famous Italian team — which has won 18 championships since 1910 but none since 2010 — would help his brand internationally and contribute to China’s sports industry.在宣布国际米兰交易的华美舞台上,苏宁的亿万富翁创始人兼董事长张近东举起香槟杯,谈起了这支著名的意大利球队——自1910年以来共赢得18项冠军,但自2010年以来从未夺冠——将如何在国际舞台上有助于他的品牌并为中国体育事业做出贡献。Boasting about Suning’s “abundant resources,” Mr. Zhang promised the club would “return to its glory days and become a stronger property able to attract top stars from across the globe.”张近东吹嘘苏宁“资源丰富”,并承诺俱乐部将“吸引全球更多的顶级球星,成为国际米兰再创辉煌的坚强后盾”。
2017年,苏宁董事长兼创始人张近东(右)和儿子张康阳在意大利的一场比赛中。苏宁安排国际米兰的明星们帮助销售空调和洗衣机。
Under the leadership of Mr. Zhang’s son, Steven Zhang, now 29, the club spent more than $300 million on stars like Lukaku, Eriksen and Lautaro Martínez, an Argentine forward nicknamed The Bull for his relentless pursuit of goals.在张近东儿子、现年29岁的张康阳的领导下,俱乐部花费了超过3亿美元签约卢卡库、埃里克森以及因不懈追求进球而获绰号“公牛”的阿根廷前锋劳塔罗·马丁内斯(Lautaro Martínez)等球星。Suning also agreed to pay $700 million to England’s Premier League for the rights to broadcast games in China beginning in 2019, stunning the industry.苏宁还向英格兰超级联赛支付7亿美元购买从2019年开始的中国转播权,震惊了整个行业。Suning lavished money on a domestic club that it bought in 2015. It spent $32 million to acquire Ramires, a Brazilian midfielder, from Chelsea, and 50 million euros for Alex Teixeira, a Newbie trader Brazilian attacker, who chose the Chinese team over Liverpool, one of soccer’s most popular franchises.苏宁在其于2015年购买的一家国内俱乐部上花费了大量资金。它为切尔西球员、巴西中场拉米雷斯(Ramires)支付了3200万美元的转会费,为年轻的巴西前锋阿莱士·特谢拉(Alex Teixeira)支付了5000万欧元的转会费。特谢拉选择了中国球队而不是最受欢迎的球会之一利物浦。The recruits were put to work selling air-conditioners and washing machines. In one advertisement, Mr. Teixeira urged viewers to buy a Chinese brand of appliances. “I am Teixeira,” he says in Mandarin, adding, “come to Suning to buy Haier.”新招募的球星被安排销售空调和洗衣机的工作。在一个广告中,特谢拉敦促观众购买中国品牌的电器。他用普通话说:“我是特谢拉,来苏宁,买海尔。”The money, said Mubarak Wakaso, a Ghanaian midfielder, helped make China attractive. “The money that I’m going to make in China is far better than La Liga,” he said in a mix of Twi and English in an interview last year, citing the league in Spain where he once played. “I’m not telling lies.”加纳中场穆巴拉克·瓦卡索(Mubarak Wakaso)说,这些钱让中国更具吸引力。“我在中国赚的钱将要比西甲多得多,”他在去年的一次采访中用契维语混着英语说,提到了他曾经效力的西班牙球队。“这是实话。”Suning’s soccer bets were badly timed. The Chinese government began to worry that big conglomerates were borrowing too heavily, threatening the country’s financial system. One year after the Inter Milan deal, Chinese state media criticized Suning for its “irrational” acquisition.苏宁投资足球的时机很糟糕。中国政府开始担心大型企业集团借贷过多,威胁到中国的金融体系。在与国际米兰达成交易的一年后,中国官方媒体批评苏宁的“非理性”收购。Then the pandemic hit. Even as Inter Milan won on the field, it lost gate receipts from its San Siro stadium, one of the largest in Europe. Some sponsors walked away because their own financial pressures. The club lost about $120 million last year, one of the biggest losses reported by a European soccer club.然后大流行袭来。即使国际米兰在球场上获胜,它也失去了圣西罗体育场——欧洲最大的体育场之一——的门票收入。一些赞助商出于自身的财务压力而退出。该俱乐部去年亏损约1.2亿美元,是欧洲足球俱乐部中报告亏损最大的俱乐部之一。Back in China, Suning was slammed by e-commerce as well as the coronavirus. Its troubles accelerated in the autumn when it chose not to demand repayment of a $3 billion investment in Evergrande, a property developer and China’s most indebted company.而在中国,苏宁就被电子商务以及新冠病毒所打击。在秋天,当它选择不要求中国负债最多的公司恒大地产偿还30亿美元的投资时,麻烦加剧了。Suning’s burden is set to get heavier. This year, it must make $1.2 billion in bond payments. The company declined to comment.苏宁的负担将越来越重。今年,它必须兑现12亿美元的债券。该公司拒绝置评。Suning began to take drastic steps. Last year it abandoned its broadcasting deal with the Premier League.苏宁开始采取极端措施。去年,它放弃了与英超联赛的转播协议。
去年,江苏苏宁球员庆祝赢得中超联赛冠军。球队在获胜后四个月后解散。
Then, in February, it shut down its domestic team, Jiangsu Suning, nearly four months after the team won China’s Super League title against an Evergrande-controlled team. At least one of the team’s foreign recruits has hired lawyers to help recoup unpaid salary, according to a person involved in the matter.然后它在2月解散了国内球队江苏苏宁,距离该队战胜恒大控制的球队夺得中超联赛冠军后还不到四个月。一位知情人士说,球队至少有一名外援已聘请律师来帮助讨回未付的薪水。One former Suning player, Eder, a Brazilian-born star forward, set the soccer world buzzing after media reports quoted him saying Suning had not paid him. On Twitter, Eder said the comments had been taken from a private, online chat without his permission. His agent did not respond to requests for comment.在媒体报道前苏宁球员、巴西出生的球星埃德说苏宁没有付钱给他后,在足球界引起了轩然大波。埃德在推特上说,这些评论是未经他本人许可的私下聊天。他的经纪人未回应置评请求。To save itself, Suning took a step that could complicate Inter Milan’s fortunes. On March 1, it sold $2.3 billion worth of its shares to affiliates of the government of the Chinese city of Shenzhen. The deal gave Chinese authorities a say in Inter Milan’s fate.苏宁为了自救所采取的步骤可能对国际米兰不利。3月1日,该公司将价值23亿美元的股票出售给了中国深圳市政府的下属机构。该协议使中国当局对国际米兰的命运拥有发言权。Greater financial pressure looms for Inter Milan. It must pay out a $360 million bond next year. A minority investor in Hong Kong, Lion Rock Capital, which acquired a 31 percent stake in Inter in 2019, could exercise an option that would require Suning to buy its stake for as much as $215 million, according to one of the people close to the club.国际米兰接下来还要面对更大的财务压力。它必须在明年偿还3.6亿美元的债券。一位与俱乐部关系紧密的知情人士表示,香港的一家小股东狮石资本(Lion Rock Capital)于2019年收购了国际米兰的31%股权,可以行使一项期权,要求苏宁以高达2.15亿美元的价格购买其股份。Inter Milan officials are looking for financing, a new partner or a sale of the team at a valuation of about $1.1 billion, the person said.这位知情人士说,国际米兰官员正在寻求融资、新的合作伙伴,或出售这支球队,其估值约为11亿美元。The club until recently was in exclusive talks with BC Partners, the British private equity firm, but they were unable to agree on price, said people with knowledge of the talks.俱乐部最近在与英国私募股权公司BC Partners进行独家会谈,但据对会谈知情的人士表示,他们未能就价格达成共识。Without fresh capital, Inter Milan could lose players. If it can’t pay salaries or transfer fees for departing players, European soccer rules say it could be banished from top competitions.没有新的资金,国际米兰可能会失去球员。欧洲足球规则规定,如果它不能为离任球员支付薪水或转会费,则会被取消参与顶级比赛的资格。“We are concerned but we are not frightened yet about this situation — we are just waiting for the news,” said Manuel Corti, a member of an Inter Milan supporters club based in London.位于伦敦的国际米兰支持者俱乐部的成员曼努埃尔·科蒂(Manuel Corti)表示:“现在的情况我们很担心,但还不至于恐惧——我们只能等新闻。”“Being Inter fans,” he said, “we are never sure of anything until the last minute.”他说:“作为国际米兰的球迷,不到最后一刻,我们都无法确定任何事情。”艾莎自香港、Tariq Panja自伦敦报道。Cao Li自香港对本文有报道贡献。艾莎(Alexandra Stevenson)是时报驻香港商业记者,报道中国企业巨头、跨国公司以及中国在亚洲日益增长的经济和金融影响力。欢迎在Twitter和Facebook上关注她。翻译:纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 苏宁深陷财务困境,国际米兰前途未卜

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无惧暴力镇压,缅甸抗议者举行全国大罢工

HANNAH BEECH2021-02-23 12:15:54周一,缅甸最大城市仰光的抗议者。大罢工在数百个城镇和平进行。
The strikers poured onto the streets of Myanmar on Monday knowing that they might die. But they gathered by the millions anyway, in the largest rallies since a military coup three weeks ago. Their only protection came from hard hats, holy amulets and the collective power of a newly called general strike.周一涌上缅甸街头的罢工者知道他们可能会没命。但数以百万计的他们聚集起来,这是自三周前军事政变以来最大的一次集会。他们唯一的保护来自安全帽、护身符和来自新一次大罢工的集体力量。The generals had tried to halt Monday’s dissent with barricades and fleets of vehicles parked in strategic urban locations. Armored vehicles patrolled, while snipers took their stations on rooftops. An ominous warning had been issued hours before on state television: “Protesters are now inciting people, especially emotional teenagers and youth, toward a path of confrontation where they will suffer a loss of life.”将军们试图通过在城市里的关键地点设置路障和车队来阻止周一的异见者。装甲车辆巡逻,狙击手在屋顶上就位。几小时前,国家电视台发出了一条不祥的警告:“抗议者现在正在煽动人民,尤其是情绪激动的青少年和年轻人,把他们推上一条会让他们丧失生命的冲突之路。”But the military’s show of force did little to quell Monday’s general strike, which proceeded peacefully in hundreds of cities and towns. Columns of people extended to the horizon near a traffic junction and a pagoda in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar, and at the railway station in Mandalay, the second-largest city. They congregated on Martyrs’ Street in Dawei, a seaside city, and by the clock towers in Monywa and Hpa-An, in the country’s center and east.但是,军方的武力展示并不能平息周一在数百个城镇进行的和平罢工。大批人群出现在缅甸最大的城市仰光的一个交通枢纽和一座宝塔附近,以及第二大城市曼德勒的火车站。他们聚集在海边城市土瓦的烈士街,以及该国中部城市蒙育瓦和东部城市巴安的钟楼旁。“I will sacrifice my life for our future generations,” said Ko Bhone Nay Thit, a 19-year-old university student in Mandalay who left home Monday morning armed with his mother’s prayers and the effects of a holy water ritual. “We must win.”“为了我们的子孙后代,我愿意付出生命,“曼德勒19岁的大学生鹏奈迪(Ko Bhone Nay Thit)说。他周一早上离开了家,带着母亲的祈祷和圣水仪式的效力。“我们必须赢。”The weekend had brought bloodshed to the anti-coup resistance. On Saturday afternoon, two unarmed protesters were killed by security forces in Mandalay; one of the dead was a 16-year-old boy. On Saturday evening, a member of a neighborhood watch corps in Yangon was shot dead. The day before, a 20-year-old woman died of injuries sustained when she was shot in the head on Feb. 9 by security forces in Naypyidaw, the capital. She is believed to be the first protester in the movement to have been killed by the authorities.周末,反政变抵抗发生了流血事件。周六下午,两名手无寸铁的抗议者在曼德勒被安全部队杀死。其中一名死者是一个16岁的男孩。在周六晚上,仰光附近一个邻里守望组织的成员被枪杀。在那前一天,在2月9日被首都内比都的安全部队射中头部的一名20岁女性因伤势过重死亡。据信她是该抗议运动中首位被当局杀害的抗议者。
仰光的防暴警察。城市的关键地点被设置路障、停放车辆。
The general strike on Monday encompassed civil servants, bank workers, doctors, supermarket cashiers, telecom operators and oil rig operators. Pizza deliverers, KFC employees and bubble tea servers joined in, too. The national boycott expanded a civil disobedience movement that has paralyzed the banking system and made it difficult for the military, which seized power from the elected government on Feb. 1, to get much of anything done.周一的大罢工包括公务员、银行职员、医生、超市收银员、电信公司员工和石油钻机操作者。披萨送餐员、肯德基员工和奶茶服务员也加入了。这次扩大到全国的非暴力反抗活动导致银行系统瘫痪,给在2月1日从民选政府夺取了政权的军方造成行事困难。The strike evoked another mass boycott on Aug. 8, 1988, when workers took to the streets to protest against a military leadership that had ruined the economy. The junta responded with bullets, a bloodstain on Myanmar’s national memory.这次罢工让人们想起了1988年8月8日的另一次大规模抵制运动。当时工人走上街头抗议毁掉经济的军方领导人。军政府以子弹回应,在缅甸的国家记忆中留下血迹。But that deadly crackdown, along with another in 2007, did not deter the marchers on Monday.但是,那次致命的镇压行动以及2007年的另一次镇压行动并未阻止周一的游行者。In Mandalay, Daw Htay Shwe, a restaurant owner, said she had written her will before joining the rally at the train station.在曼德勒,一家餐馆的老板泰瑞(Daw Htay Shwe)说,她在参加火车站集会之前已经写好遗嘱。“I will protect our country’s democracy with my life,” she said.她说:“我将用生命捍卫国家的民主。”In Yangon, marchers stomped on posters of a sniper who is believed to have targeted the protesters in Mandalay on Saturday. A group representing a military technical college joined the march, as well.在仰光,游行者踩踏一名狙击手的海报,据信是周六打中了曼德勒抗议者的狙击手。代表军事技术学院的团体也参加了游行。“I cannot live under a military dictatorship,” said Daw Myint Myint, a homemaker in Yangon, who was out in the hot afternoon sun. “Our leaders, whom we elected, trusted and respected, are arrested. I am here to express my opinion that I want them to be freed.”“我不能在军事独裁统治下生活,“仰光的家庭主妇敏敏(Daw Myint Myint)说。“由我们选出的值得信赖和尊敬的领袖被逮捕。我在这里表达我的观点,我希望他们被释放。”
仰光一辆军用卡车旁边的抗议者。
The coup ousted the civilian government of the National League for Democracy, which had shared power with the military for five years. Top elected leaders were dragged off by soldiers, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the head of the National League for Democracy, who was charged with obscure crimes that could land her in prison for six years. Before the brief experiment with hybrid military-civilian governance, the military had imposed its direct rule on Myanmar for nearly half a century.政变推翻了全国民主联盟(National League for Democracy)的文官政府,该政府与军方分享了五年的权力。最高民选领导人被士兵拖走,其中包括全国民主联盟负责人昂山素季,她被指控犯下莫名其妙的罪行,可能入狱六年。在短暂的军民混合治理试验以前,军方对缅甸实行了近半个世纪的直接统治。As of Monday morning, more than 560 people had been detained for dissent against the coup, according to a local group that tracks political imprisonments. By the afternoon, at least 150 protesters were arrested in the logging town of Pyinmana, not far from Naypyidaw, where mass detentions were reported, too. The State Administration Council, the coup makers’ replacement for Myanmar’s elected government, has rolled back civil liberties, allowing for indefinite detention and police searches without warrants.追踪政治监禁的当地组织称,截至周一早上,已有超过560人因反对政变而被拘留。到下午,至少有150名抗议者在离内比都不远的伐木小城彬马那被捕,据报道那里也发生了大规模拘留。政变组织用国家管理委员会(State Administration Council)取代了缅甸民选政府,撤回了公民自由,允许无限期拘留,警察搜查无需搜捕令。On Monday morning Myanmar time, Antony J. Blinken, the United States secretary of state, posted a tweet in support of the protesters in Myanmar, which was formerly known as Burma.缅甸时间周一早上,美国国务卿安东尼·J·布林肯(Antony J. Blinken)发布了一条推文支持缅甸的抗议者。“The United States will continue to take firm action against those who perpetrate violence against the people of Burma as they demand the restoration of their democratically elected government,” the tweet said. “We stand with the people of Burma.”“美国将继续对那些因缅甸人民要求恢复民主选举的政府而对他们实施暴力的人采取坚决行动,“这条推文说。“我们与缅甸人民站在一起。”The United States government has imposed financial sanctions on some of the coup makers and their associates. Other sanctions were already in place because of the military’s persecution of ethnic minorities, most notably Rohingya Muslims, who fled slaughter in 2017 for safety in neighboring Bangladesh.美国政府对某些政变制造者及其同伙实施了经济制裁。针对缅甸军方对少数民族的迫害(其中最引人注目的是罗辛亚穆斯林),之前已经实施了其他制裁措施。罗辛亚穆斯林在2017年因躲避屠杀逃至邻国孟加拉。
周一,抗议者在缅甸第二大城市曼德勒举行抗议活动。
On Monday, the United Nations refugee agency warned in a statement that a boat filled with Rohingya trying to reach Malaysia was in distress. Hundreds of Rohingya have died at sea in recent years, trying to leave Myanmar or Bangladesh, where they are confined to vast refugee settlements.周一,联合国难民署在一份声明中警告,一艘试图前往马来西亚、坐满罗辛亚人的船只遇险。近年来,为了离开关押他们的缅甸或孟加拉国庞大的难民定居点,数百名罗辛亚人在海上死亡。“Many are in a highly vulnerable condition and are apparently suffering from extreme dehydration,” the United Nations statement said. “We understand that a number of refugees have already lost their lives, and that fatalities have risen over the past 24 hours.”“许多人处于极为虚弱的状态,显然正在遭受严重脱水,“联合国的声明说。“我们了解到许多难民已经丧生,在过去的24小时内死亡人数已经增加。”Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s civilian government repeatedly defended the military in its campaign against the Rohingya, whom many in Myanmar considered to be Muslim interlopers in a majority-Buddhist land. The violent expulsion of 750,000 Rohingya from the country in 2017 failed to catalyze widespread protests or condemnation at home.昂山素季的文官政府在针对罗辛亚人的行动中一再捍卫军方,缅甸许多人认为罗辛亚人是以佛教徒为主的土地上的穆斯林闯入者。2017年,75万罗辛亚人遭暴力驱逐,但未能在该国激发广泛的抗议或谴责。But one of the groups marching in Yangon on Monday held up a banner apologizing to the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities, who make up at least a third of the national population.但周一在仰光游行队伍中,有人举起了向罗辛亚人和其他少数民族——至少占全国人口的三分之一——道歉的横幅。In recent years, strife between the military and various ethnic insurgent groups has left hundreds dead and tens of thousands displaced. On Friday, a civilian was killed in Shan State during renewed hostilities.近年来,军方与各少数民族反抗组织之间的冲突导致数百人死亡,成千上万的人流离失所者。上周五,在新的敌对行动中,掸邦的一名平民丧生。
仰光警方准备驱逐试图阻止安全部队车队的示威者。
One of the two protesters who were shot in Mandalay on Saturday was Ko Wai Yan Tun, a 16-year-old boy who had come to work in the city. To survive, he pushed a cart at a local market, where the stall operators called him “little boy.”周六在曼德勒被枪杀的两名抗议者之一是来到该市工作的16岁男孩伟仁敦(Ko Wai Yan Tun)。为了生存,他在当地市场推手推车,摊位经营者称他为“小男孩“。As the protests mounted near the market, Mr. Wai Yan Tun joined as a duty to his future, said Ko Myo Zaw, a friend.他的朋友妙佐(Ko Myo Zaw)说,随着抗议活动接近市场,伟仁敦为了自己的未来而加入其中。“He always said his life would be perfect when he had a mobile phone and a motorbike,” Mr. Myo Zaw said. “He was a nice guy.”“他一直说,要是有一部手机和一辆摩托车,他的生活就完美了,”妙佐说。“他是一个好人。”Hannah Beech自2017年起担任东南亚分社社长,现驻曼谷,她此前在上海、北京、曼谷和香港为《时代》杂志报道20年。欢迎在Twitter上关注她 @hkbeech。翻译:邓妍点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 无惧暴力镇压,缅甸抗议者举行全国大罢工

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通用汽车转型电动车,汽车业走向中国主导的未来

KEITH BRADSHER2021-02-01 10:06:50通用汽车及其在中国柳州的合资伙伴生产的纯电动汽车。
SHANGHAI — The business of making cars has reached a critical juncture — and it looks as if China is in the driver’s seat.上海——汽车制造行业已到了一个关键时刻——而且看来中国处于统领地位。General Motors’ surprise announcement on Thursday that it aspires to eliminate gasoline and diesel cars from its fleet by 2035 and embrace electric cars follows a road map successfully drawn by Beijing. To get there, G.M., the Detroit stalwart and symbol of American industrial might, may have no choice but to embrace car and battery technologies in which Chinese companies play leading roles.通用汽车(General Motors)周四出人意料地宣布,希望在2035年之前停止生产汽油和柴油汽车,转向电动汽车,这与中国政府已成功制定的路线图相符。为了实现这一目标,作为底特律中坚力量和美国工业实力象征的通用汽车可能别无选择,只能接受由中国企业起主导作用的汽车和电池技术。Even when setting the time frame, G.M. seems to be matching Beijing’s speed. Just three months ago, Chinese policymakers ordered that most vehicles sold in China must be electric by 2035.即使在设定这个时间框架上,通用汽车似乎也与北京的速度保持了一致。就在三个月前,中国的政策制定者颁布命令,到2035年,在中国销售的大部分汽车必须是电动汽车。“When it comes to global automakers’ electric vehicle plans, all roads lead back to Beijing,” said Michael Dunne, a former president of G.M.’s Indonesia operations.“涉及全球汽车制造商的电动汽车计划时,条条大路通北京,”通用汽车的印度尼西亚业务前总裁迈克尔·邓恩(Michael Dunne)说。Precisely how G.M. will shift its industrial capacity isn’t entirely clear, and the company declined on Friday to comment on what influence Beijing’s policies may have had in its planning. It didn’t mention China in its announcement on Thursday.通用汽车究竟将如何转移其工业产能还不完全清楚,公司上周五拒绝评论北京的政策可能对其计划产生了什么影响,也没有在上周四的声明中提中国。It didn’t have to. China has the market clout and the steadiness of regulatory policy to influence automotive decisions made from Detroit to Tokyo to Wolfsburg, Germany.它没必要提。中国拥有强大的市场影响力和稳定的监管政策,可影响从底特律到东京再到德国沃尔夫斯堡的汽车产业决策。China already is by far the world’s largest car market, accounting for a third of global sales. It is bigger than the American and Japanese auto markets combined. G.M. and Volkswagen both sell more cars through joint ventures in China than in their home markets.中国已是全球最大的汽车市场,占全球销量的三分之一。比美国和日本的加起来还大。通过在华合资企业,通用和大众汽车(Volkswagen)在这里的汽车销量都超过了本土市场。But China’s sway also extends to the business of making electric cars. Worried about its own pollution problems and keen to stay competitive in the technologies of the future, Beijing has long lavished subsidies on its electric car industry. During the global financial crisis a dozen years ago, China was already offering its taxi fleets and local government agencies up to $8,800 per car to choose electric models.但中国的影响力也延伸到电动汽车制造行业。由于担心国内的污染问题、渴望在未来的技术领域保持竞争力,中国政府长期以来一直为本国电动汽车行业提供大量补贴。早在十多年前的全球金融危机期间,中国就已向出租车公司和地方政府机构提供了每辆车高达8800美元的电动车购买补贴。Today, China is the leading maker of big battery packs for electric cars, producing considerably more than the rest of the world combined. Chinese regulations required until a year ago the use of Chinese battery suppliers, instead of their mostly Japanese and South Korean rivals, for electric cars sold with Chinese subsidies. That forced multinationals to place huge orders with CATL, the main Chinese producer.如今,中国是电动汽车大型电池组的重要生产国,产量远超世界其他国家的总和。直到一年前,中国的有关规定还要求,获得政府补贴的电动汽车必须使用中国电池供应商,而不是主要来自日本和韩国的竞争对手。这迫使跨国公司向中国的主要生产商宁德时代新能源科技公司(简称CATL)下了巨额订单。
位于中国合肥的蔚来电动车工厂。中国长期以来为电动汽车行业提供了大量补贴。
Chinese companies dominate the world’s production of electric motors. China has even gained control of much of the world’s production of key raw materials needed for electric cars, including lithium, cobalt and minerals known as rare earth metals.中国公司主导着世界电动机的生产。中国甚至已经控制了电动汽车所需的大部分关键原材料的生产,包括锂、钴和被称为稀土金属的矿物质。Major global automakers are already developing electric cars in China. Daimler and Toyota have jumped into extensive joint ventures with Chinese manufacturers to build electric cars. Ford Motor announced on Thursday that its new Ford Mustang Mach-E, the most head-turning car at the Beijing auto show last autumn, will be made in China as well as Mexico.全球主要汽车制造商已在中国研发电动汽车。戴姆勒(Daimler)和丰田(Toyota)都已与中国制造商成立了生产电动汽车的大规模合资企业。福特汽车(Ford Motor)上周四宣布,将在中国和墨西哥生产新款纯电动Mustang Mach-E,该车型在去年秋季的北京车展上最受关注。So far, no Chinese company has produced an electric car that can rival Tesla in capturing the world’s imagination, although one, NIO, is trying. But China has completed many of the steps along that road. Notably, Tesla began making vehicles in a factory in Shanghai a year ago.到目前为止,还没有一家中国公司生产出能与特斯拉(Tesla)匹敌、吸引全球想象力的电动汽车,尽管蔚来汽车(NIO)正在尝试。但中国已经完成了走上这条道路的许多步骤。值得注意的是,特斯拉一年前已开始在上海的一家工厂生产汽车。The world’s shift to electric cars “is based on the Chinese technological road map,” said Yunshi Wang, the director of the China Center for Energy and Transportation at the University of California, Davis.世界转向电动汽车“是基于中国的技术路线图”,加州大学戴维斯分校(University of California, Davis)中国交通能源中心主任王云石说。China is not trying to set global standards just for electric cars. It is also moving quickly to commercialize large numbers of self-driving cars, a technology developed in California. China is also trying to take the lead on how cars connect to the internet, through its planned nationwide deployment of 5G mobile communications.中国并不只是试图为电动汽车制定全球标准。它也在迅速将大量的自动驾驶汽车商业化,这是加州开发出来的一项技术。通过在全国范围内推出5G移动通信网络,中国还试图在如何将汽车接入互联网方面起带头作用。Chinese government mandates require widespread installation of these technologies by 2025. That has pushed Chinese and Western companies alike to adapt.中国政府要求在2025年之前普及这些技术。这促使中国和西方企业都开始采取行动。“From this we can see autonomous driving and intelligent connected vehicles are no longer a mere vision, they are a close reality,” Stephan Wöllenstein, the chief executive of Volkswagen China, said last week.“从这点上我们可以看到,自动驾驶和智能互联汽车不再是一个单纯的愿景,它们正在接近现实,”大众汽车集团中国区首席执行官冯思翰(Stephan Wöllenstein)上周说。G.M.’s Thursday announcement validates China’s long bet on electric cars. Just a few years ago, American carmakers were committed to gasoline engines. German automakers were pushing diesels. Japanese companies were emphasizing gasoline-electric hybrids.通用汽车上周四的宣布是对中国长期以来押注电动汽车的认可。就在几年前,美国的汽车制造商仍致力于汽油发动机。德国的汽车制造商仍在推销柴油车。日本的制造商当时强调的是油电混合动力车。China chose battery-powered electric cars. It announced in 2017 that it was phasing out fossil fuels for cars by a then-unspecified date. Many in the industry were skeptical.中国则选择了电池驱动的纯电动汽车。它在2017年宣布,将逐步淘汰化石燃料汽车,当时未明确日期。许多业内人士曾对此表示怀疑。Mary Barra, the chief executive of G.M., flew to Shanghai two weeks later and declared that while G.M. planned to put more electric cars on the road, the company believed that consumers, not governments, should decide when to stop buying gasoline- and diesel-powered models.两周后,通用汽车首席执行官玛丽·巴拉(Mary Barra)飞抵上海时宣布,尽管通用汽车计划推出更多型号的电动汽车,但公司认为,决定何时停止购买汽油和柴油驱动车型的应该是消费者,而不是政府。“I think it works best when, instead of mandating, customers are choosing the technology that meets their needs,” she said at the time.“我认为,最有效的做法是让客户选择满足他们需求的技术,而不是强制,”她当时说。China has taken a different approach. Given the cost and complexity of developing electric cars, the government has set big targets and offered the support to help its companies meet them.中国采取了不同的做法。考虑到开发纯电动汽车的成本和复杂性,政府制定了宏大的目标,并为帮助企业实现这些目标提供了支持。
位于江苏省泰州市的一家电池厂。为高性能汽车,比如特斯拉生产电池组的成本高达每辆1.2万美元。但电池的造价正在下降。
When it comes to the car industry, “the most important thing is what the government does,” said Liu Jing, a professor at the Cheung Kong Graduate School of Business in Beijing.就汽车行业而言,“最重要的是政府做了什么,”北京长江商学院的刘劲教授说。The big obstacle right now to selling electric cars is cost.目前销售电动汽车的最大障碍是成本。Making the battery pack costs as little as $1,500 for the simplest Chinese-brand electric subcompacts, which are not really suitable for highway driving because of their slowness and modest range. But the cost is as much as $12,000 for a high-performance car, like a Tesla. Gasoline engines in each category of car size and performance typically cost less than half as much.为最简单的中国品牌微型电动车制造电池组的成本只要1500美元,但这种车因为速度慢、续航里程不够长,不适合在高速公路上行驶。为特斯拉这样高性能的汽车制造电池组的成本高达1.2万美元。大小和性能相同车型的汽油发动机的成本通常不到电动车的一半。Yet battery costs around the world are tumbling by nearly one-fifth each year. Chinese companies with lavish government backing have built immense battery factories deep in western China, notably in Qinghai Province, where much of the lithium for the batteries is mined. Mass production has yielded formidable economies of scale.不过,世界各地的电池成本正在以每年近20%的速度下降。中国企业在政府的大力支持下,在西部腹地建起了巨大的电池制造厂,尤其是青海省。用于电池的锂矿大多来自青海。大规模生产带来了让他人望而生畏的规模经济。China is also the world’s main producer of electric motors and a wide range of other electronics.中国也是世界上主要的电动机和其他各种电子产品的生产国。China’s drive for dominance in electric cars began in 2007. That was when Wen Jiabao, then China’s premier, unexpectedly selected a former Audi engineer, Wan Gang, to become the minister of science and technology. Mr. Wan, who had also served as president and as director of the Center of Automotive Engineering at Tongji University in Shanghai, was a passionate advocate of electric cars. He had strong support from China’s military and intelligence community, which had long seen the country’s oil imports as a strategic vulnerability.中国争取在电动汽车领域占主导地位的努力始于2007年。当时,担任中国总理的温家宝出人意料地任命前奥迪工程师万钢为科技部部长。万钢曾任上海同济大学校长和新能源汽车工程中心主任,他是电动汽车的热情倡导者。他得到了长期以来一直将中国的石油进口视为一个战略弱点的中国军方和情报部门的大力支持。
通用汽车首席执行官玛丽·T·巴拉在2018年。这家汽车制造商宣布,将在2035年后只出售零尾气排放的汽车。
In 2008, Mr. Wan’s first full year in office, China made only 2,100 electric cars. But production has soared since then, reaching 931,000 last year, according to LMC Automotive, a London data firm.2008年,也就是万钢上任后的第一个全年,中国只生产了2100辆电动汽车。但据伦敦数据公司LMC Automotive的统计,自那以后中国电动汽车产量飙升,去年达到了93.1万辆。China also got help from Western companies that were getting little support at home. G.M. agreed in 2011 to transfer battery technology and other electric car technology to a joint venture in China with the country’s largest state-owned automaker, Shanghai Automotive Industry Corporation.中国也得到了西方企业的帮助,这些企业在本国几乎得不到支持。通用汽车在2011年同意将电池技术和其他电动汽车技术转让给中国合资伙伴、中国最大的国有汽车制造商上海汽车工业集团公司。At the time, the Chinese government was putting heavy pressure on foreign automakers to transfer electric car technology to joint ventures in China. Such technology transfers — which foreign companies sometimes complain they are forced to make to gain access to the big Chinese market — have become a major issue between Washington and Beijing. The transfers were cited by officials under Donald J. Trump, the former president, as one reason for launching a trade war against China.当时,中国政府正对外国汽车制造商施加巨大压力,要求它们将电动汽车技术转让给在华合资伙伴。这种技术转让——外国公司有时抱怨它们为了进入巨大的中国市场被迫这样做——已成为华盛顿与北京的一个主要争议。前总统唐纳德·J·特朗普(Donald J. Trump)手下的官员将这些转让列为对中国发动贸易战的原因之一。Now many Chinese companies are joining the electric car push. Zhejiang Geely, a Chinese carmaker, announced on Friday that it and Foxconn, the contract manufacturer of Apple iPhones and laptop computers in huge factories in China, were in talks to help Faraday Future in the United States make electric cars.现在,许多中国公司也加入到推动电动汽车发展的行列。中国汽车制造商浙江吉利上周五宣布,公司正在和富士康(Foxconn)就代工美国的法拉第未来(Faraday Future)电动汽车事宜进行谈判。富士康是在中国的大型工厂里为苹果(Apple)生产iPhone和笔记本电脑的代工制造商。By this autumn, said Mr. Liu of the Cheung Kong Graduate School of Business, “you’re going to see a flood of electric vehicles all over the place, going into the market.”长江商学院的刘劲说,到今年秋天,“你到处都会看到大量的电动汽车进入市场。”Keith Bradsher是《纽约时报》上海分社社长,曾任香港分社社长、底特律分社社长。他之前曾驻华盛顿报道国际贸易新闻,后驻纽约报道美国经济和通信行业,还曾担任航空业记者。欢迎在Twitter上关注他 @KeithBradsher。翻译:纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 通用汽车转型电动车,汽车业走向中国主导的未来

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国会大厦暴乱:特朗普时代的暴力结尾

PETER BAKER2021-01-07 16:19:14特朗普总统的支持者在华盛顿纪念碑前。
[Follow our live coverage as Trump protesters stormed the US Capitol.](关注我们对支持特朗普的抗议者冲击美国国会大厦的现场报道。)WASHINGTON — For years, President Trump’s critics who warned of worst-case scenarios were dismissed as alarmists. But the worst case appeared to be materializing on Wednesday as the president’s supporters stormed the United States Capitol, forcing a halt to the process formalizing his election defeat and the evacuation of Vice President Mike Pence and members of Congress.华盛顿——几年来,特朗普总统的批评者一直在警告,最坏的情况将会发生,但被视为危言耸听。但是最坏的情况似乎在周三出现了,总统支持者冲进美国国会大厦,迫使正式确定他败选的过程停止,副总统迈克·彭斯(Mike Pence)和国会议员被迫撤离。In a remarkable scene evocative of coups and uprisings in authoritarian countries around the world, a mob breached security barricades, broke windows and swarmed through the Capitol. While lawmakers fled, police officers deployed tear gas inside the citadel of American democracy and drew guns to guard the House chamber in an armed standoff. Rioters made it onto the Senate dais where the vice president had stood shortly before and into Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s office where one sat at her desk.这惊人的一幕让人想起世界各地威权国家发生的政变和动乱。一群抗议者冲破安全路障,打碎窗户,涌进国会大厦。当议员们逃离时,警察在美国民主的城堡之内使用了催泪瓦斯,并且拔枪保卫众议院,双方发生武装对峙。暴动者登上副总统刚刚站过的参议院讲台,进入众议院议长南希·佩洛西(Nancy Pelosi)的办公室,其中一人坐在她的办公桌前。The extraordinary invasion of the Capitol came shortly after Mr. Trump egged on his admirers at a rally to march to the headquarters of Congress to protest its acceptance of the results of the election that he lost, even suggesting that he would join them, although he did not. While he did not explicitly urge them to force their way into the building, he told them that his presidency was being stolen and that no one should stand for it, inflaming passions that erupted not long after on the other end of the Pennsylvania Avenue.特朗普在一次集会上怂恿他的追随者向国会总部进军,抗议国会接受他的败选,甚至暗示自己会加入他们的行列,尽管他没有这样做。虽然他没有明确呼吁他们强行进入国会大厦,但他告诉他们,自己的总统职位正被窃取,任何人都不应该袖手旁观,不久后,这在宾夕法尼亚大道的另一端引发群情激奋。Only after the situation escalated did Mr. Trump finally appeal for calm. “I am asking for everyone at the U.S. Capitol to remain peaceful,” he wrote on Twitter. “No violence! Remember, WE are the Party of Law & Order — respect the Law and our great men and women in Blue. Thank you!”直到局势升级后,特朗普才终于呼吁各方保持冷静。“我请求美国国会大厦的所有人保持和平,”他在Twitter上写道。“不要暴力!记住,我们是维护法律和秩序的党——尊重法律和我们伟大的蓝衣男女。谢谢你们!”But he did not initially tell them to leave the Capitol or allow proceedings to resume and even Mr. Trump’s own advisers implored him to do more. “Condemn this now, @realDonaldTrump,” Alyssa Farah, who just stepped down as his communications director, wrote on Twitter. “You are the only one they will listen to. For our country!”但特朗普最初并没有让他们离开国会大厦或允许确认选票程序恢复,就连特朗普自己的顾问也恳请他采取更多行动。“立即发起谴责,@realDonaldTrump,”刚刚辞去特朗普通讯联络主管一职的阿丽莎·法拉(Alyssa Farah)在Twitter上写道。“他们只会听你的话。为了我们的国家!”Mick Mulvaney, who served as Mr. Trump’s White House chief of staff and later become a special envoy, made a similar appeal. “The President’s tweet is not enough,” he wrote. “He can stop this now and needs to do exactly that. Tell these folks to go home.”曾担任特朗普的白宫幕僚长、后来成为特使的米克·马尔瓦尼(Mick Mulvaney)也发出了类似的呼吁。“总统的推文是不够的,”他写道。“他可以让这一切停下来,这正是他应该立即做的。让这些人回家去。”Moments after President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. went on live television to deplore the “sedition” at the Capitol and call on Mr. Trump to go before cameras, the president released a recorded video online that offered mixed messages. He repeated his grievances against people who were “so bad and so evil” even as he told supporters it was time to withdraw without condemning their actions.候任总统小约瑟夫·R·拜登(Joseph R. Biden Jr.)在电视直播中谴责国会大厦的“煽动行为”,并呼吁特朗普面对镜头。就在这之后不久,总统在网上发布的一段录制视频透露了含混不清的讯息。他重申他对那些“如此恶劣而邪恶”的人感到不满,然而他没有谴责其支持者的行为,只是告诉他们现在是时候撤离了。“I know you’re hurt,” he told them. “We had an election that was stolen from us. It was a landslide election and everyone knows it, especially the other side. But you have to go home now.” He added, “We love you. You’re very special.”“我知道你们很伤心,”他告诉他们。“我们的选举被偷走了。人人都知道那是一场压倒性的胜利,尤其是另一边的人。但你们现在必须回家去。”他还说,“我们爱你们。你们非常特别。”The president’s critics placed the blame on him for encouraging the violent response by repeatedly telling Americans that the election was stolen from him when it was not. “This is what the president has caused today, this insurrection,” Senator Mitt Romney, Republican of Utah, told a reporter as he was ushered with other lawmakers into a secure location that the authorities asked not be disclosed.总统的批评者指责他反复告诉美国人选举被窃取——尽管实际上并非如此——是在鼓励用暴力做出回击。“这就是今天总统引发的暴动,”犹他州共和党参议员米特·罗姆尼(Mitt Romney)对记者表示,当时他正在与其他议员被护送进入一个当局要求保密的安全地点。
在总统发表讲话的集会后,特朗普的支持者冲进了国会大厦参议院一侧。
Representative Adam Kinzinger, Republican of Illinois and another outspoken critic of the president, went even further, accusing the president’s supporters of seeking the violent overthrow of the government. “This is a coup attempt,” he wrote on Twitter.伊利诺伊州共和党众议员、另一位直言不讳的总统批评者亚当·金青格(Adam Kinzinger)的表态更加激烈,指责总统支持者寻求暴力推翻政府。“这是一次未遂政变,”他在Twitter上写道。The president’s Republican allies, who were in the midst of trying to block the counting of Mr. Biden’s electors in hopes of helping Mr. Trump cling to power, denounced the violence without backing down from their effort.总统的共和党盟友正在试图阻止统计拜登的选举人票,以盼让特朗普继续掌握权力,他们谴责了暴力,但并没有放弃他们的企图。“The violence must end, those who attacked police and broke the law must be prosecuted, and Congress must get back to work and finish its job,” Senator Josh Hawley, Republican of Missouri and a leader of the election-blocking effort, said in a statement.“暴力必须终止,袭击警察和违反法律的人必须受到起诉,国会必须恢复工作,完成职责,”阻止选举程序行动的领导者之一、密苏里州共和党参议员乔希·霍利(Josh Hawley)在一份声明中表示。While Washington has seen many protests over the years, including some that turned violent, the convulsion on Wednesday was unlike anything that the capital has seen during a transition of power in modern times, literally interrupting the constitutional acceptance of Mr. Biden’s election victory. A presidency that has stirred hostility and divisions for four years appeared to be ending in an explosion of anger, disorder and violence.尽管华盛顿多年来经历过许多次抗议,其中一些还演变成暴力,但周三发生在首都的骚乱,在近现代的权力交接过程中堪称史无前例,实际上打断了依据宪法承认拜登胜选的程序。一位总统在四年间引发的敌意和分歧,似乎即将在愤怒、混乱和暴力的爆发中结束。“We will never give up,” Mr. Trump had declared at a “Save America March” on the Ellipse shortly before the uprising, his last-gasp effort to justify his failing bid to overturn the democratic election with false claims of fraud that have been debunked by elections, judges and even his own attorney general. “We will never concede. It doesn’t happen. You don’t concede when there’s theft involved. Our country has had enough. We will not take it anymore, and that’s what this is all about.”“我们永远不放弃,”在暴动发生前不久,特朗普在白宫椭圆形草坪的一次“拯救美国游行”(Save America March)中宣称,那是他最后的努力,企图用舞弊的虚假主张来推翻民主选举,但不管是选举结果、法官甚至还有他自己的司法部长都揭穿了他的谎言。“我们永远不认输。认输是不可能的。有偷窃就不能有认输。我们的国家受够了。我们不能再忍受,这就是我们的意思。”As the crowd on the Ellipse chanted, “Fight for Trump! Fight for Trump!” the president lashed out at members of his own party for not doing more to help him cling to power over the will of the people. “There are so many weak Republicans,” he growled and then vowed to take revenge against those he deemed insufficiently loyal. “You primary them,” he said.随着椭圆形草坪上的人群高呼“为特朗普而战!为特朗普而战!”总统怒斥其所在政党的成员,指责他们没有采取更多措施让他不顾人民意志抓住权力。“有那么多软弱的共和党人,”他咆哮道,然后发誓要报复那些他认为不够忠诚的人。“你们要初选掉他们,”他说。He singled out Gov. Brian Kemp of Georgia, a Republican who has angered him by not intervening in the election, calling him “one of the dumbest governors in the United States.” And he went after William P. Barr, the attorney general who would not validate his election complaints. “All of a sudden, Bill Barr changed,” he groused.他点名佐治亚州州长布莱恩·肯普(Brian Kemp),称他是“美国最蠢州长之一”,这位共和党人因不肯干预大选激怒了他。他还抨击了不愿证实他对大选怨言的司法部长威廉·P·巴尔(William P. Barr)。“突然之间,比尔·巴尔就变脸了,”他抱怨道。Other speakers, including his sons Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump, excoriated Republican lawmakers for not standing up for Mr. Trump. “The people who did nothing to stop the steal — this gathering should send a message to them,” Donald Trump Jr. said. “This isn’t their Republican Party anymore. This is Donald Trump’s Republican Party.”其他演讲者,包括他的儿子小唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump Jr.)和埃里克·特朗普(Eric Trump),都痛斥没有支持特朗普的共和党议员。“对那些没有阻止这场选举被偷走的人——趁这次机会应该向他们传达一个信息,”小唐纳德·特朗普说。“这已经不是他们的共和党了。这是唐纳德·特朗普的共和党。”
“我们永远不会放弃,”特朗普在集会上宣布。
To many Republicans, that was the problem. Even as Mr. Trump’s presidency was slipping away from him, Republicans increasingly turned on him, stewing over the Tuesday’s runoff elections in Georgia that seemed to favor Democrats and the votes he was forcing lawmakers to take for or against the results of a democratic election.对于许多共和党人而言,这就是问题所在。即便总统职位即将离特朗普而去,仍有越来越多共和党人背弃了他,对佐治亚州在周二举行的似乎对民主党有利的决选,以及他逼迫议员投票支持或反对民主选举结果的行为感到恼怒。Even Mr. Pence and Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader, who have been among the most loyal supporters of Mr. Trump for four years, finally broke with him in a decisive way. Mr. Pence rebuffed the president’s demand that he use his role as presiding officer over the Electoral College count to reject electors for Mr. Biden. And Mr. McConnell gave a forceful speech repudiating Mr. Trump’s effort to overturn the election.就连彭斯和肯塔基州参议员、共和党领袖米奇·麦康奈尔(Mitch McConnell)也最终果断与他决裂,他们都是四年来特朗普最忠实的支持者之一。彭斯拒绝了总统的要求,不肯利用自己主持选举人团计票的身份来否决拜登的选举人票。麦康奈尔发表了一篇有力演说,驳斥了特朗普推翻大选的企图。“If this election were overturned by mere allegations from the losing side, our democracy would enter a death spiral,” Mr. McConnell said in a speech before the rioters overran the Capitol.“如果这次大选仅靠失败一方的空口指控就能被推翻,我们的民主将进入死亡螺旋,”暴徒占领国会大厦前,麦康奈尔在一次演讲中表示。Mr. Pence rejected the president just minutes after Mr. Trump continued to publicly pressure him to do what even the president’s longtime lawyer Jay Sekulow said the vice president did not have the power to do — reject the electors of swing states Republicans lost.彭斯也拒绝了总统,就在那之前几分钟,特朗普还继续向他公开施压,要求他做到连总统长期合作律师杰伊·塞库洛(Jay Sekulow)都说副总统无权去做的事——否决共和党输掉的摇摆州的选举人票。“I hope Mike is going to do the right thing,” Mr. Trump told the rally on the Ellipse. “I hope so. I hope so because if Mike Pence does the right thing, we win the election.”“我希望迈克会做正确的事,”特朗普告诉在椭圆形草坪上集会的人。“希望如此。我希望如此,因为如果迈克·彭斯做了正确的事,我们就能赢下大选。”Just minutes later, Mr. Pence released a letter saying he did not have the power to do what the president wanted him to do. “Vesting the vice president with unilateral authority to decide presidential contests would be entirely antithetical” to the constitutional design, he wrote.而几分钟后,彭斯发布了一封信,称他无权做总统希望他做的事。“将决定总统竞选的单方权威授予副总统将完全有违于”宪法的设计,他写道。He added: “It is my considered judgment that my oath to support and defend the Constitution constrains me from claiming unilateral authority to determine which electoral votes should be counted and which should not.”他还表示:“我经过深思熟虑得出的判断是,我支持和捍卫对宪法的宣誓,这让我不能行使单方权威来决定哪些选举人票应该被计算,哪些不应该。”With Mr. Pence unwilling and unable to stop the count, the president’s supporters made it their mission to do it themselves. And for several hours, at least, they succeeded.由于彭斯不愿也无法阻止计票进行,总统支持者就把这件事当做了自己的使命来完成。至少在几个小时的时间里,他们成功了。Peter Baker是《纽约时报》首席白宫记者,已为时报和《华盛顿邮报》报道过过去四届总统的新闻。他还是五本书的作者,最新出版的一本是《Impeachment: An American History》。欢迎在Twitter和Faceboook上关注他。翻译:纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 国会大厦暴乱:特朗普时代的暴力结尾

204
韩国十多名快递员疑“过劳死”,引发劳工保护反思

CHOE SANG-HUN2020-12-16 13:36:14在韩国首尔的城南市,快递员朴基连为客户送大米。“我们也想在室内取暖,就跟我们所服务的人一样,”他说。
SEOUL, South Korea — At a logistics depot the size of an airplane hangar in southern Seoul, couriers recently held a ritual at the start of another grueling work day: They stood for a moment of silence to remember more than a dozen fellow couriers who they say died this year from overwork.韩国首尔——不久前,在首尔南部一个飞机库大小的物流仓库里,快递员们在开始又一个紧张的工作日前举行了一场仪式:他们肃立默哀,悼念今年据说是过劳死的十多名快递员。“We won’t be surprised here if one of us drops dead, too,” said Choi Ji-na, one of the couriers.“如果我们中也有人倒毙,大家是不会惊讶的,”其中一名快递员崔智娜(音)说。Ms. Choi, 43, and other delivery workers in South Korea say they feel lucky to have jobs amid growing unemployment, and that they are proud to play an essential role in keeping the country’s Covid-19 cases down by delivering record numbers of packages to customers who prefer to stay safe at home.43岁的崔智娜和韩国其他快递员都表示,在失业率不断上升的情况下,他们觉得自己还能有工作很幸运,同时也为自己在减少韩国新冠确诊病例数量上发挥的重要作用感到自豪,是他们为那些更愿意安全呆在家里的消费者递送了数量创纪录的包裹。But they are also paying a price.但他们也付出了代价。The string of deaths among couriers this year has caused a national uproar, drawing attention to worker protections that are unevenly distributed in a place that once had one of the longest workweeks in the world. Packages are expected to arrive with “bullet speed,” but the uninsured workers delivering them say it is becoming impossible to keep up with the demand, and that labor rule changes made by President Moon Jae-in have left them out in the cold.今年发生的一连串快递员死亡事件在韩国引起了轩然大波,引发了人们对劳工保护不公的关注,韩国曾是世界上每周工作时间最长的地方之一。包裹要以“子弹速度”送达,但运送包裹的无保险工人表示,他们不可能满足得了需求,而韩国总统文在寅在修改劳工法规时,将他们遗忘。There have been 15 deaths among couriers so far, including some who died after complaining of unbearable workloads that kept them on the clock from dawn until past midnight. The delivery workers say they’re dying of “gwarosa,” or death by overwork.到目前为止,已经有15名快递员死亡,其中一些人生前曾经抱怨,从黎明一直忙到半夜的工作量令人难以忍受。快递员们说,他们会“过劳死”。“The workload has become just too much,” Ms. Choi said. “Since the coronavirus came, going home early enough to have dinner with my children has become a distant dream.”“工作量实在太大了,”崔智娜说。“自新冠疫情暴发以来,早点回家陪孩子吃晚饭已经成为遥不可及的梦想。”
快递员在首尔的一个配送中心查看送货地址。快递员通常是抽取佣金的独立分包商,缺乏企业雇员所享有的保护。
Couriers are some of the hardest-working, least protected workers in South Korea. Between 2015 and 2019, only one to four couriers died per year. This year, nine couriers died in the first half of the year alone, according to data that the Korea Occupational Safety and Health Agency submitted to the lawmaker Yong Hye-in.在韩国,快递员是工作最苦、受保护最少的劳工群体之一。2015年至2019年,平均每年只有一到四名快递员死亡。而据韩国职业安全健康局提交给龙慧贤(音)议员的数据显示,仅今年上半年,就有九名快递员死亡。When President Moon slashed the maximum workweek to 52 hours from 68 in 2018 to ensure a “work-life balance” and a “right to rest,” couriers were left out of the deal. As the pandemic rages on and packages pile up, couriers say they are not only facing longer hours, but an ever-present fear that they will succumb to the mounting volume of work.当文在寅总统在2018年将每周最长工作时间从68小时削减到52小时,以确保“工作与生活的平衡”和“休息的权利”时,快递员被排除在了协议之外。随着疫情肆虐和包裹堆积,快递员们说,他们不仅面临更长的工作时间,还要面对时刻存在的恐惧:被不断增加的工作量压垮。Online orders have surged around the world, and demand for delivered goods in South Korea has grown by 30 percent, to 3.6 billion parcels this year, according to some estimates.在全球范围内,网购都出现激增,据估计,韩国今年的快递需求增长了30%,达到36亿个包裹。Most deliveries in South Korea are handled by large logistics companies. Those firms outsource the labor to couriers, who are independent subcontractors working on commission using their own trucks in assigned areas. Since 1997, as e-commerce as boomed and competition has intensified, online shipping costs in the country have dropped by more than half.韩国大部分快递都是由大型物流公司处理的。这些公司将运送工作外包给快递员,他们是抽取佣金的独立分包商,在指定地区用自己的货车送货。自1997年以来,随着电子商务的蓬勃发展和竞争的加剧,网上付运的价格下降一半以上。Shopping malls and logistics firms now promise even faster deliveries, offering “within-the-day,” “before-dawn” and “bullet-speed” options. But the fees collected by couriers have dropped. Workers now receive between 60 and 80 cents per parcel and have been slapped with penalties when they fail to meet delivery deadlines set by major online shopping retailers.商场和物流公司如今承诺更快的送货速度,提供“当日达”、“次晨服务”和“子弹配送”的选择。但快递员收取的费用却下降了。现在,快递员每送一个包裹能收到60到80美分,如果未能在主要网络零售商设定的最后期限内送达,还会被罚款。
朴基连在开车。今年,快递员死亡人数急剧增加。
One courier in Seoul, Kim Dong-hee, returned home at 2 a.m. on Oct. 7. Later that day, he returned to the warehouse to pick up 420 packages. He still had many deliveries to make when he texted a colleague at 4:28 a.m. the next day. He said he would be home by 5 a.m. but would barely have time to eat and wash up before heading out again.今年10月7日,首尔快递员金东熙(音)凌晨2点才返回家中。当天晚些时候,他回到仓库,拿走了420件包裹。第二天凌晨4点28分,还有许多包裹没送的他给同事发了短信。他说自己会在早上5点到家,但几乎没时间吃饭洗漱,就要再次出门工作。“I am just too tired,” he wrote.“我太累了,”他写道。Four days later, he didn’t show up for work. When colleagues checked his home, they found him dead; the police ruled that heart failure was the cause. Colleagues say he was killed by overwork. He was 36.四天后,他没有来上班。当同事们去他家找人的时候,发现他已经死了;警方判定他的死因是心力衰竭。同事们说他是过劳死。他时年36岁。The day Mr. Kim sent his message, another man in Seoul, Kim Won-jong, collapsed on his delivery route, complaining of chest pain and difficulty breathing before he died.就在金东熙发短信那天,首尔另一名快递员金元中(音)在送货途中晕倒,他临死时曾说自己胸痛和呼吸困难。“I remember how tired he looked late in the evening, his shoulders slumped and his cap pulled low, as if he were semiconscious,” a customer who knew Mr. Kim wrote online after his death made news.“我还记得那天夜深之后他看上去是多么疲惫,耷拉着肩膀,帽沿拉得很低,好像半睡半醒一样,”金元中去世的消息上新闻以后,一位认识金元中的顾客在网上写道。It has become common to see weary couriers weaving through apartment compounds in the dead of night, delivering fruit, bottled water, Christmas decorations and other items many shoppers now prefer to have delivered. Some residents who fear infection have refused to share elevators with delivery workers, forcing them to haul packages up stairs.夜深人静时,经常会看到疲惫的快递员在公寓楼间穿梭,递送水果、瓶装水、圣诞装饰品和很多消费者如今更希望送上门的其他物品。有些担心感染的居民拒绝与快递员共用电梯,迫使他们不得不走楼梯。
快递员们在首尔一家物流仓库中举起拳头,唱了一首工会歌曲。大多数快递员无法受益于保护企业全职员工的劳动法。
The pandemic has brought profits to couriers and logistics companies like CJ Logistics, Hanjin Shipping and Lotte. But categorized as self-employed, most of the country’s estimated 54,000 “taekbae gisa,” or home-delivery drivers, do not benefit from the labor laws that protect full-time corporate employees. Benefits such as overtime, paid vacation and insurance against on-the-job injuries are largely unavailable.这场疫情让CJ物流(CJ Logistics)、韩进海运(Hanjin Shipping)和乐天(Lotte)这样的快递及物流公司挣到了钱。但在韩国被归为个体经营者的约5.4万名上门送货司机中,大多数人无法享受保护企业全职员工的劳动法。诸如加班费、带薪休假和工伤保险等福利基本上是没有的。According to a September survey by the Center for Workers’ Health and Safety, a rights group, couriers work an average of 12 hours a day, six days a week. According to government data submitted to lawmakers, work-related injuries for couriers soared by 43 percent in the first half of the year.据人权组织劳工健康与安全中心(Center for Workers Health and Safety) 9月份的一项调查显示,快递员平均每天工作12小时,每周工作六天。提交给议员的政府数据显示,今年上半年,快递员的工伤数字飙升了43%。Couriers in the United States, Europe and China have gone on strike seeking better protections. In South Korea, they have staged strikes hoping to secure shorter hours and a “life with evenings.”美国、欧洲和中国的快递员已经开始罢工,以争取更好的保护。在韩国,他们举行了罢工,希望缩短工作时间,拥有“晚上的生活”。“We organized and fought back because we had no one to talk to,” said Park Ki-ryeon, 36, a courier since 2016.“我们组织起来进行反击,是因为找不到可以对话的人,”自2016年就一直在做快递员的36岁的朴基连(音)表示。“We, too would like to keep warm indoors, like the people we serve,” Mr. Park said. “But many of us are not well educated and started this work with debts to pay. If we quit, we don’t have an alternative.”“我们也想要在室内取暖,就跟我们所服务的人一样,”朴基连说。“但我们中的许多人没有受过良好的教育,开始做这一行时身背债务。如果辞职,我们就别无选择了。”Ms. Choi became a delivery worker seven years ago after a divorce made her a single mother of two Newbie trader children. She has hauled packages weighing up to 55 pounds apiece up and down stairs. She sometimes has to climb walls to make deliveries, because homeowners are out, with their gates locked, but want the parcels left inside. Couriers have been known to injure their ankles — or become the subject of police calls made by neighbors who mistake them for burglars.七年前,离了婚的崔智娜成了两个年幼小孩的单亲妈妈,那之后她就做了快递员。她曾经拖着最重达55磅的一件件包裹上下楼梯。有时还不得不爬墙送货,因为房主不在,大门上锁,但他们又想把包裹放在家里。快递员经常脚踝受伤,或者被邻居误认为窃贼,成为报警的对象。She said she liked the work because she could get home in time for her children to return from school, but the virus changed everything. Ms. Choi now delivers up to 370 parcels a day, 30 percent more than before the pandemic. She starts work at 6:30 a.m. and rarely gets home before 10 p.m.她说她喜欢这项工作,因为她能够赶在孩子们放学前回家,但是病毒改变了一切。崔智娜现在每天运送多达370个包裹,比大流行之前多了30%。她从早上六点半开始工作,很少在晚上10点之前回家。
快递员经常被迫把包裹搬上楼梯,因为害怕疫情的大楼居民不让他们坐电梯。政府数据显示,今年上半年,快递员的工伤数字飙升了43%。
At the depot, container trucks rumbled in under the pre-dawn sky, bringing cargo from across South Korea. As what seemed like an endless stream of parcels of all shapes and sizes were unloaded, Ms. Choi and her colleagues gathered around a conveyor belt to search for packages with addresses in their districts.在仓库,货柜车在黎明前轰隆隆地驶来,带着来自韩国各地的货物。源源不断、形状大小各异的包裹被卸下。崔智娜和她的同事们聚集在一条传送带周围,寻找自己管辖范围的包裹。The deliveries would stretch well into the night.送货一直持续到深夜。Some logistics companies have apologized for the recent spate of deaths and promised to provide benefits, like medical checkups, and add more workers in phases to help shorten work hours and manage the increased volume.一些物流公司为最近一连串的死亡事件道歉,并承诺提供诸如体检之类的福利,并分阶段增加更多工人,以帮助缩短工作时间,管理增加的工作量。Mr. Moon’s government has vowed to introduce a five-day workweek and ban nighttime deliveries, admitting that his policies have not kept up with the growth of the delivery industry and that “the burden was concentrated in long hours and heavy workloads for couriers.”文在寅政府宣称,要实行五天工作制,并禁止夜间送货,他承认他的政策未能跟上快递业务的增长,“快递员集中承担了长时间工作和繁重工作量的负担。”After the deaths generated headlines, people also began expressing sympathy for the couriers, leaving drinks and snacks at the door with notes saying, “It’s OK to be late.”死亡事件成为头条新闻之后,人们也开始对快递员表示同情,在门口留下饮料和零食,上面写着:“晚点到也没关系。”“When strangers pass me on the streets, they say to me, ‘Please don’t die! We need you,’” Mr. Park said. But the reforms promised by logistics companies and the government have been too slow to arrive.“当陌生人在街上与我擦肩而过时,他们对我说,’请别死!我们需要你,’”朴基连说。但是,物流公司和政府承诺的改革进展来得太慢了。When his grandmother died last month, Mr. Park said, he had to hire a replacement courier with his own money to deliver the parcels along his route just so he could take a half day off to mourn her. “We want change,” he said. “We are not working machines.”朴基连说,上个月他的祖母去世,为了休半天假,他不得不自掏腰包聘请一个快递员替自己送包裹。“我们想要改变,”他说。“我们不是机器。”Choe Sang-Hun是《纽约时报》首尔分社社长,主要报道朝韩新闻。翻译:Harry Wong、邓妍点击查看本文英文版。  https://feedx.xyz

Source: 韩国十多名快递员疑“过劳死”,引发劳工保护反思

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拜登拟任命华裔女律师戴琦为贸易代表

ANA SWANSON2020-12-10 16:55:29去年,戴琦出席众议院筹款委员会听证会。如果任命获得批准,她将成为首位担任美国贸易代表的有色人种女性。
WASHINGTON — President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. is expected to select Katherine Tai, the chief trade lawyer for the House Ways and Means Committee, as the United States trade representative, a key post that will bear responsibility for enforcing America’s trade rules and negotiating new trading terms with China and other countries, according to people familiar with the plans.华盛顿——据了解其计划的知情人士透露,候任总统小约瑟夫·R·拜登(Joseph R. Biden Jr.)预计将任命众议院筹款委员会(House Ways and Means Committee)的首席贸易律师戴琦(Katherine Tai)为美国贸易代表,这是一个关键职位,将负责执行美国的贸易规则,并与中国及其他国家协商新的贸易条款。Ms. Tai has garnered strong support from colleagues in Congress, who credit her with helping to wrangle an unruly collection of politicians and interest groups in negotiations to pass the revised North American Free Trade Agreement. From 2007 to 2014, Ms. Tai worked for the Office of the United States Trade Representative, where she successfully prosecuted several cases on Chinese trade practices at the World Trade Organization.戴琦得到了其国会同僚的大力支持,他们称赞她在谈判中帮忙对付了难以驾驭的政客和利益集团,才让修订后的《北美自由贸易协定》(North American Free Trade Agreement,简称NAFTA)得以通过。2007年至2014年,戴琦在美国贸易代表办公室(Office of the United States Trade Representative)工作期间,在世界贸易组织就中国的贸易行为成功提起了几起诉讼。If confirmed, Ms. Tai, who is Asian-American, would be the first woman of color to serve as the U.S. trade representative, a cabinet-level official who carries the rank of ambassador.如果任命获得批准,身为亚裔的戴琦将成为首位担任美国贸易代表的有色人种女性,贸易代表是内阁级别的官员,拥有大使头衔。Ms. Tai’s selection was earlier reported by Politico.Politico网站于早前报道了戴琦的候选。Although Mr. Biden has said he does not intend to begin negotiating new free-trade agreements until he has made “major investments here at home and in our workers,” his trade representative will still have plenty to do. Those tasks are likely to include ensuring that American trade rules are adequately enforced and that they promote rather than impede other parts of Mr. Biden’s agenda, including fighting climate change and encouraging domestic investment, for example through augmenting Buy American programs.尽管拜登曾表示,在“对国内和对我们的工人做出重大投入”之前,他不打算开始商讨新的贸易协定,但他的贸易代表仍有大量工作要做。这些任务可能包括确保美国的贸易规则得到充分执行,以及确保这些规则促进而不是阻碍拜登议程的其他部分,包括应对气候变化,和通过诸如扩大“购买美国产品”项目来鼓励国内投资。Congressional Democrats have fought for Ms. Tai to be appointed in part because they believe she would play a vital role in making sure that the terms of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, which replaced NAFTA this year, are enforced. That includes bringing new trade cases against Mexican factories that violate labor rules, and ensuring that Mexico will follow through with ambitious reforms to its labor system.国会民主党人一直在争取戴琦的任命,部分原因是他们相信她将在确保《美国-墨西哥-加拿大协议》(United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement)的条款执行上发挥关键作用,该协议将在今年取代NAFTA。协议中包括对违反劳动法规的墨西哥工厂提起新的贸易诉讼,并确保墨西哥将完成对其劳工制度的大规模改革。As chief counsel for the Ways and Means Committee, Ms. Tai played a key role in crafting the Democratic demands for final changes to U.S.M.C.A., which was negotiated by the Trump administration. In that capacity, she balanced the competing demands of labor unions, environmental groups, corporate lobbyists and the administration, and helped to hammer out a deal that passed both houses of Congress by a wide margin.作为筹款委员会的首席顾问,戴琦在拟定民主党对美墨加协议最终修改的要求上发挥了关键作用,该协议是由特朗普政府谈判达成的。在这一职位上,她平衡了工会、环保组织、集团说客与本届政府之间的竞争性需求,并帮助敲定了一项在国会两院以较大优势获得通过的协议。In a November letter to Mr. Biden, 10 female House Democrats wrote that Ms. Tai’s central role in that negotiation “makes her uniquely qualified to lead implementation and enforcement efforts” as the next trade representative.11月,在给拜登的一封信中,十位众议院女民主党人写道,戴琦在那次谈判中扮演的核心角色,使她具有了作为下一任贸易代表“去领导实施和执行工作的独特资质”。“Ms. Tai knows every tool available to hold Mexico and Canada accountable,” the lawmakers wrote.“戴琦清楚每一种让墨西哥和加拿大负起责任的办法,”这些议员写道。Though sometimes a lower-profile position, the post of trade representative has taken on greater importance under President Trump, who has used the office to impose substantial tariffs against foreign countries and negotiate a series of trade deals, both small and large.虽然这个职位有时没那么引人注目,但在特朗普总统任内,贸易代表的地位变得更加重要,特朗普曾通过这一职位对外国征收高额关税,并就一系列大大小小的贸易协定进行谈判。Mr. Biden’s top trade negotiator will be responsible for dealing with much of that legacy, including helping to decide whether to continue levying tariffs on Chinese goods, and whether to continue granting certain companies exclusions from those tariffs. Many of those exclusions are set to expire on Dec. 31, and it remains unclear whether Mr. Trump plans to extend them.拜登的首席贸易谈判代表将负责处理大部分遗留问题,包括帮助他决定是否继续对中国商品加征关税,以及是否继续将某些企业排除在这些关税之外。许多排除条款将于12月31日到期,目前尚不清楚特朗普是否准备将其延长。The new trade representative will also be responsible for reshaping the office to fit Democratic priorities, like increasing protections for workers, mitigating climate change and raising standards for consumer protections. Mr. Biden’s pick will also be responsible for rebuilding trading relations that have been strained by Mr. Trump’s aggressive approach, including with Europe, Canada, Japan and Mexico.新任贸易代表还将负责重组其办公室,以适应民主党的优先事项,如增加劳工保护、缓解气候变化、提高保护消费者的标准。拜登的人选还将负责重塑因特朗普咄咄逼人的外交政策而紧张的贸易关系,包括对欧洲、加拿大、日本和墨西哥。Supporters say Ms. Tai is also uniquely positioned to address economic challenges from China, regarded as America’s biggest source of competition in the trade sphere.支持者称,戴琦在应对来自中国的经济挑战的问题上也处于独特位置,中国被视为美国在贸易领域的最大竞争源头。In addition to litigating trade disputes against China at the World Trade Organization over issues including subsidies and export restraints, Ms. Tai worked on China-related issues during her time in the House, including strategies to reshore American supply chains and legislation to bar imports made with forced labor from Uighurs and other minorities in China.除了就补贴和出口限制等问题向世界贸易组织提起对中国的贸易争端诉讼外,戴琦在众议院任职期间还负责中国相关事务,包括制定美国供应链的回流战略,和立法禁止进口由中国维吾尔族和其他少数民族的强迫劳力生产的产品。Ms. Tai has a background in China, having served as a teaching fellow there in the late 1990s and speaking fluent Mandarin Chinese.戴琦有中国背景,她曾在上世纪90年代末在中国担任教师,能说一口流利的普通话。In the House, she also led an effort to look at the legacy of racial injustice in U.S. trade policy, and how gains from trade could be made more inclusive.在众议院,她还牵头研究了美国贸易政策中种族不公的遗留问题,以及如何使贸易收益更具包容性。Thomas Kaplan和Emily Cochrane对本文由报道贡献。Ana Swanson是时报驻华盛顿记者,报道贸易和全球经济新闻。她此前在《华盛顿邮报》工作,报道贸易、美联储及经济方面的新闻。欢迎在Twitter上关注她:@AnaSwanson。翻译:Harry Wong点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 拜登拟任命华裔女律师戴琦为贸易代表

206
英国外交官在重庆救落水女子获赞誉

MEGAN SPECIA2020-11-17 11:38:29
Teetering on the edge of a slippery rock, a Newbie trader woman loses her footing and plunges into a river. Moments later, she flails and then floats face-down as one shocked onlooker screams, “Hurry, hurry, save her!”一名年轻女子在一块滑溜溜的岩石边上失去了平衡,掉进了河里。过了一会儿,她挣扎了几下,随后脸朝下漂在水里,一名被吓到的旁观者喊着,“快点,快点,去救(她)!”Within seconds, a man flings off his shoes, leaps from a ledge and swims toward her, lifting her head from the water as he paddles her to the shore.说时迟那时快,一名男子甩掉鞋子,从岸上跳进河里,向她游去,把她的头从水里抬起,划着水将她带向岸边。The man, Stephen Ellison, is the British consul general in Chongqing, China, and he has been widely hailed as a hero on Chinese social media after video of the swift rescue on Saturday spread quickly. The effusive response to the diplomat’s actions stands in sharp contrast to the increasingly strained relations between Beijing and London over the national security law imposed on Hong Kong, the initial handling of the coronavirus and a dispute over the Chinese tech firm Huawei’s access to 5G wireless infrastructure in Britain.这名男子名叫史云森(Stephen Ellison),是英国驻中国重庆总领事馆的总领事,他毫不犹豫跳水救人的视频在周六迅速传开后,中国社交媒体上对他的英勇之举大为赞赏。对这名外交官行为的热情回应,与中英两国就在香港实施国家安全法、对新冠病毒的早期处理和关于中国科技公司华为参与英国5G无线基础设施建设的争端上日益紧张的关系形成了鲜明对比。Mr. Ellison, 61, was visiting the ancient town of Zhongshan, about 75 miles south of Chongqing, on Saturday when he heard the crowd scream and saw a Newbie trader woman struggling in the water, the British Embassy said in a post on the social media platform WeChat.英国使馆在社交媒体平台微信上发文称,周六,61岁的史云森在重庆以南约75英里的中山古镇游玩时,听到人群发出惊呼,发现一名年轻女子在水中挣扎。In the video, recorded by a bystander and later shared by the British Embassy in Beijing, Mr. Ellison leaps from a ledge before swimming to the woman, who is floating with her face in the water, barely moving. In the background, a woman can be heard saying the situation was “fortunate to have this foreigner.”视频是由一名旁观者录下,后来又被驻北京的英国使馆分享。在视频中,史云森从岩石边跳了下去,游向该女子,后者的脸浸在水里,几乎一动不动。在背景音中,可以听到一名女子在说“还好今天(是)这个老外”。Another onlooker threw a lifesaver to Mr. Ellison, who grabbed it as he guided the woman to shore. A handful of others on the bank then helped them out of the water.另一名旁观者向史云森扔了一个救生圈,他抓住后就带着女子上了岸。岸上的其他人随后把他们从水里拉上来。“The situation was critical,” the embassy said in its post. It noted that the woman had lost consciousness, but because of the timely rescue, “soon regained breathing and consciousness, and was all right.”“情况非常危急,”使馆在文中表示。它指出,那名女子已经失去知觉,但由于救援及时,“很快恢复呼吸和知觉,已无大碍。”The embassy added that when Mr. Ellison, who was appointed to his post this year, was back on dry land, “he was well looked after by the local villagers,” who poured him a hot cup of coffee and gave him fresh clothes. One user on Weibo, a Chinese social media platform similar to Twitter, called Mr. Ellison an “English gentleman.” Another called him the “Chinese people’s friend.”使馆官微还表示,今年才获任命的史云森上岸后,“得到当地村民的悉心照顾”,为他找来热咖啡和新衣服。在类似Twitter的中国社交媒体平台微博上,一位用户称史云森是“英国绅士”。另一位用户称他是“中国人的朋友”。But while praise for Mr. Ellison has poured in, other commenters focused on the fact that no locals had jumped in to rescue the woman and that they had done little to help as she flailed.虽然很多人对史云森大加赞扬,但也有评论者关注的事实是,没有国人跳进河去救那名女子,而且在她挣扎时,他们也几乎没有提供帮助。“So many people did not jump to save the girl, but waited for a foreigner to jump to save her?” one person wrote.“在场这么多国人没有下去救人,等一个外国人下去救人?”一个人写道。“It was outrageous,” another posted. “Most of them were taking videos, and there were only a few of them saving her, and the first one was a foreigner!!!”“真是出离愤怒了,”另一个人写道。“大部分都在拍视频,救人的就那么几个,第一个还是外国人!!”Drownings are all too common in China, where many people do not know how to swim; in a 2018 article on the problem, Global Times, a Chinese Communist Party newspaper, lamented that “Chinese culture places little importance on learning swimming skills.” Drowning is the number one accidental killer of children in China under the age of 14, according to the World Health Organization.溺水在中国很普遍,许多人都不会游泳;在2018年一篇关于这个问题的文章中,中共报纸《环球时报》感慨“中国文化不重视学习游泳技能”。据世界卫生组织表示,溺水是中国14岁以下儿童意外死亡的首要原因。There have been a number of incidents in recent years in China in which bystanders have ignored people in distress, apparently — at least in part — because of a widespread perception that if someone intervenes, there is a chance that person could be liable for hospital costs or otherwise held legally responsible.近年来,中国发生了多起旁观者在他人遇难时袖手旁观的事件,显然——至少部分原因——是人们普遍认为,管闲事的话,就有可能要承担医疗费用或负其他法律责任。Some instances, often those in which a video of the tragedy has gone viral — like when a toddler was hit by a car and ignored in 2011 or when a man beat his wife to death in the street last month — have prompted waves of national soul-searching.有些例子,通常是相关悲剧的视频在网上疯传后,才会引发一波全国性的反思;比如2011年一名幼童被车撞了后无人理睬,还有上个月,一名男子在街头把妻子打死。In March 2017, in response to such incidents, China adopted its first “Good Samaritan” law, providing some legal protection to those who voluntarily offer emergency assistance to others. The law was intended to ease people’s reluctance to get involved, but some say attitudes have been slow to change.为了应对此类事件,2017年3月,中国通过了第一部“好人法”,对于主动救人的行为给予一定的法律保护。这部法律是为了增强人们的救人意识,但一些人说,心态的改变很缓慢。Amy Chang Chien和Amy Qin对本文有报道贡献。Megan Specia是时报驻伦敦国际版面编辑,专注于数字叙事和突发新闻,她2016年加入时报,欢迎在Twitter上关注她 @meganspecia。翻译:Harry Wong点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 英国外交官在重庆救落水女子获赞誉

207
数以万计美国人死亡,是因为他们的政府无能

纪思道2020-10-23 16:29:06
One of the most lethal leadership failures in modern times unfolded in South Africa in the early 2000s as Corporate debt spread there under President Thabo Mbeki.现代最为致命的一个领导无方的事例,是21世纪初南非在总统塔博·姆贝基(Thabo Mbeki)治下发生的艾滋病传播。Mbeki scorned science, embraced conspiracy theories, dithered as the disease spread and rejected lifesaving treatments. His denialism cost about 330,000 lives, a Harvard study found.姆贝基藐视科学,推崇阴谋论,在艾滋病传播开来时犹豫不决,并且拒绝了能够挽救生命的治疗。哈佛一项研究发现,他这种拒绝面对的态度导致33万人丧生。None of us who wrote scathingly about that debacle ever dreamed that something similar might unfold in the United States. But today, health experts regularly cite President Trump as an American Mbeki.我们这些曾经用激烈言辞谈论这一灾祸的人怎么也想不到,类似的事情也发生在了美国。但今天,卫生专家常常将特朗普总统比作美国的姆贝基。“We’re unfortunately in the same place,” said Anne Rimoin, an epidemiologist at U.C.L.A. “Mbeki surrounded himself with sycophants and cost his country hundreds of thousands of lives by ignoring science, and we’re suffering the same fate.”“很不幸,我们处在同一境地,”加州大学洛杉矶分校(UCLA)流行病学家安·里莫因(Anne Rimoin)说。“姆贝基身边全是阿谀奉承的人,他无视科学,导致数十万人失去生命,我们现在也在遭受同样的命运。”One role of journalism is to establish accountability, and that’s particularly important before an election. Trump says he deserves an A-plus for his “phenomenal job” handling the coronavirus, but the judgment of history is likely to be far harsher.新闻的一个作用是问责,这一点在一场大选前尤为重要。特朗普说他在应对新冠病毒方面的“出色表现”应该拿个A+成绩,但来自历史的评判很可能要严厉得多。“I see it as a colossal failure of leadership,” said Larry Brilliant, a veteran epidemiologist who helped eliminate smallpox in the 1970s. “Of the more than 200,000 people who have died as of today, I don’t think that 50,000 would have died if it hadn’t been for the incompetence.”“在我看来,这是领导方面的巨大失败,”曾在20世纪70年代参与消灭天花资深流行病学家拉里·布里利安特(Larry Brilliant)说。“如果不是因为无能,在那些截至今天死亡的20多万人里,有5万人不会死。”There’s plenty of blame to go around, involving Democrats as well as Republicans, but Trump in particular “recklessly squandered lives,” in the words of an unusual editorial this month in the New England Journal of Medicine. Death certificates may record the coronavirus as the cause of death, but in a larger sense vast numbers of Americans died because their government was incompetent.在这件事上,民主党和共和党都难辞其咎,但本月《新英格兰医学杂志》(New England Journal of Medicine)一篇不同寻常的社论称,特朗普尤其“毫无顾忌地罔顾生命”。死亡证明上可能会将新冠病毒列为死亡原因,但从更宏观角度来说,大量美国人之所以死亡,是因为他们的政府无能。As many Americans are dying every 10 days of Covid-19 as U.S. troops died during 19 years of war in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the economists David Cutler and Lawrence Summers estimate that the economic cost of the pandemic in the United States will be $16 trillion, or about $125,000 per American household — far more than the median family’s net worth. Then there’s an immeasurable cost in soft power as the United States is humbled before the world.每10天死于Covid-19的美国人,相当于美国军队在伊拉克和阿富汗19年战争中死亡总数。经济学家戴威·卡特勒(David Cutler)和劳伦斯·萨默斯(Lawrence Summers)估计,大流行在美国造成的经济损失将达16万亿美元,即每个美国家庭损失约12.5万美元——比美国家庭净资产中位数要高得多。然后,由于美国在全世界面前的笨拙表现,还存在着软实力方面不可衡量的损失。“It’s really sad to see the U.S. presidency fall from being the champion of global health to being the laughingstock of the world,” said Devi Sridhar, an American who is a professor of global health at the University of Edinburgh. “It was a tragedy of history that Donald Trump was president when this hit.”“看到美国总统从全球卫生引领者沦为世界的笑柄,真的令人感到悲哀,”身为美国人的爱丁堡大学(University of Edinburgh)全球卫生教授德维·斯里达尔(Devi Sridhar)。“这件事发生时总统是唐纳德·特朗普,是个历史悲剧。”The United States has made other terrible mistakes over the decades, including the Iraq War and the War on Drugs. But in terms of destruction of American lives, treasure and wellbeing, this pandemic may be the greatest failure of governance in the United States since the Vietnam War.过去几十年来,美国也犯过其他可怕错误,包括伊拉克战争和反毒品战争。但在夺去美国人的生命、财产和福祉方面,这场大流行可能是自越南战争以来,美国治理的最大失败。America Was the Leader in Pandemic Preparedness.在防疫准备方面,美国曾是领导者The paradox is that a year ago, the United States seemed particularly well positioned to handle this kind of crisis. A 324-page study by Johns Hopkins found last October that the United States was the country best prepared for a pandemic.吊诡之处在于,一年前,在应对这种危机方面,美国似乎尤其做好了充分准备。约翰·霍普金斯大学(Johns Hopkins)一项324页的研究发现,去年10月,美国是大流行应对准备做的最好的国家。Credit for that goes to President George W. Bush, who in the summer of 2005 read an advance copy of “The Great Influenza,” a history of the 1918 flu pandemic. Shaken, Bush pushed aides to develop a strategy to prepare for another great contagion, and the result was an excellent 396-page playbook for managing such a health crisis.这要归功于乔治·W·布什(George W. Bush)总统,2005年夏季,他读到了讲述1918年流感大流行历史的《大流感》(The Great Influenza)预览样书。深受震撼的布什敦促顾问制定了能为又一场大型传染病做好准备的战略,结果便是一份极为出色的396页的此类卫生危机应对策略。The Obama administration updated this playbook and in the presidential transition in 2016, Obama aides cautioned the Trump administration that one of the big risks to national security was a contagion. Private experts repeated similar warnings. “Of all the things that could kill 10 million people or more, by far the most likely is an epidemic,” Bill Gates warned in 2015.奥巴马政府对这份策略进行了更新,在2016年总统交接时,奥巴马的顾问提醒特朗普政府,国家安全面临的一大风险是传染病。民间专家也多次作出类似警告。“在那些能导致1000万或更多人死亡的问题中,目前最有可能的就是一场大流行,”比尔·盖茨(Bill Gates)2015年警告说。Trump argues that no one could have anticipated the pandemic, but it’s what Bush warned about, what Obama aides tried to tell their successors about, and what Joe Biden referred to in a blunt tweet in October 2019 lamenting Trump’s cuts to health security programs and adding: “We are not prepared for a pandemic.”特朗普提出,没人能预见到这场大流行,但这正是布什曾警告过的,是奥巴马的顾问试图告诉其继任者的,也是乔·拜登(Joe Biden)在2019年10月一则直白的推文中,对特朗普削减卫生安全项目所惋惜的,他在其中还说:“我们没有准备好迎接一场大流行。”The First Alarm Bells From Wuhan来自武汉的第一声警钟When the health commission of Wuhan, China, announced on Dec. 31 that it had identified 27 cases of a puzzling pneumonia, Taiwan acted with lightning speed. Concerned that this might be an outbreak of SARS, Taiwan dispatched health inspectors to board flights arriving from Wuhan and screen passengers before allowing them to disembark. Anyone showing signs of ill health was quarantined.当中国武汉卫健委12月31日宣布识别出27例令人费解的肺炎病例时,台湾迅速行动了起来。由于担忧这可能是另一场SARS疫情,台湾派卫生检查员登上来自武汉的航班,对乘客筛查后,才允许他们下机。任何表现出生病迹象的乘客都被隔离。If either China or the rest of the world had shown the same urgency, the pandemic might never have happened.如果无论是中国,还是世界其他地区都表现出同样的紧迫感,这场大流行很可能不会发生。In the United States, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention issued a notice about the Wuhan outbreak on Jan. 1, but not much else happened for a time. In China, President Xi Jinping issued orders on Jan. 7 for handling the coronavirus, but they were inadequate. If, at that time or soon after, Xi had ordered a more modest version of the Wuhan lockdown that was to come, it is possible that the virus could have been stifled before it spread around the globe.在美国,疾病控制和预防中心(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention)1月1日发布了一封关于武汉疫情暴发的通知,但自那之后有一段时间,就没有其他动作了。在中国,习近平主席1月7日下令要求应对新冠病毒,但没有拿出充分有力的应对。如果习近平在当时或很快下令进行比后来武汉封城相对温和的策略,很可能病毒会在传播全球之前就被压制住。Instead, Wuhan held a banquet for 40,000 people on Jan. 18, and by the time the lockdown was ordered on Jan. 23, some five million people had already left Wuhan for the Chinese New Year. In hindsight, two points seem clear: First, China initially covered up the scale of the outbreak. Second, even so, the United States and other countries had enough information to act as Taiwan did. The first two countries to impose travel restrictions on China were North Korea and the Marshall Islands, neither of which had inside information.相反,武汉在1月18日举行了一场4万人的宴会,到1月23日下令实行封锁时,约有500万人已经离开武汉过春节。事后看来,有两点似乎很清楚:第一,中国最初掩盖了疫情的规模。其次,即便如此,美国和其他国家仍有足够的信息,可以像台湾那样采取行动。首先对中国实施旅行限制的两个国家是朝鲜和马绍尔群岛,这两个国家都没有得到内部消息通报。That first half of January represents a huge missed opportunity for the world. If the United States, the World Health Organization and the world media had raised enough questions and pressed China, then perhaps the Chinese central government would have intervened in Wuhan earlier. And if Wuhan had been locked down just two weeks earlier, it’s conceivable that this entire global catastrophe could have been averted.1月的上半月,世界错失了一个重大机会。如果美国、世界卫生组织和世界媒体提出足够多的问题,并向中国施压,或许中国中央政府会更早对武汉进行干预。如果武汉在两周前就被封锁,这场全球性的灾难是可以避免的。The Defiance of Science对科学的蔑视Perhaps the original sin of America’s response to the coronavirus came with the bungling of testing.也许美国对新冠病毒反应的原罪在于检测方面的拙劣。Without testing, health officials fight an opponent while blindfolded. They don’t know where the virus lurks, and they can’t isolate those infected or trace their contacts.没有检测,卫生官员就像是蒙着眼睛同对手作战。他们不知道病毒潜伏在哪里,也无法隔离被感染者,或追踪感染者的接触者。But the C.D.C. devised a faulty test, and turf wars in the federal government prevented the use of other tests. South Korea, Germany and other countries quickly developed tests that did work, and these were distributed around the world. Sierra Leone in West Africa had effective tests before the United States did.但是疾控中心设计了一种有缺陷的检测,而且联邦政府内部的地盘之争阻止了其他检测方式的使用。韩国、德国和其他国家迅速开发出了行之有效的检测方法,并在世界各地推广。西非的塞拉利昂在美国之前就进行了有效的检测。Trump supporters note, correctly, that within the United States, the states with the highest mortality rates have been Democrat-led: New Jersey has had the most deaths per capita, followed by New York. It’s true that local politicians, Democrats and Republicans alike, made disastrous decisions, as when Mayor Bill de Blasio of New York City urged people in March to “get out on the town despite coronavirus.” But local officials erred in part because of the failure of testing: Without tests, they didn’t know what they faced.特朗普的支持者正确地指出,在美国,死亡率最高的几个州都是由民主党领导的:新泽西州按人口计死亡率最高,其次是纽约州。的确,做出了灾难性决定的地方政治人物里,有共和党人也有民主党人,就像纽约市长白思豪(Bill de Blasio)在今年3月敦促人们“别管新冠病毒,尽情出门去玩吧”。但地方官员的错误部分是由于检测失败:没有检测,他们不知道自己面临的是什么。It’s unfair to blame the testing catastrophe entirely on Trump, for the failures unfolded several paygrades below him. Partly that’s because Trump appointees, like Robert Redfield, director of the C.D.C., simply aren’t the A team.把检测灾难完全归咎于特朗普是不公平的,因为那是在他以下的几个级别展开。这在一定程度上是因为特朗普任命的官员根本就不是一流团队,比如疾控中心主任罗伯特·雷德菲尔德(Robert Redfield)。In any case, presidents set priorities for lower officials. If Trump had pushed aides as hard to get accurate tests as he pushed to repel refugees and migrants, then America almost certainly would have had an effective test by the beginning of February and tens of thousands of lives would have been saved.在任何情况下,总统都会为下级官员设定优先事项。如果特朗普像驱逐难民和移民那样大力敦促助手们进行准确的检测,那么几乎可以肯定,美国在2月初就能进行有效的检测,数万人的生命就将得到挽救。Still, testing isn’t essential if a country gets backup steps right. Japan is a densely populated country that did not test much and yet has only 2 percent as many deaths per capita as the United States. One reason is that Japanese have long embraced face masks, which Dr. Redfield has noted can be at least as effective as a vaccine in fighting the pandemic. A country doesn’t have to do everything, if it does some things right.不过,如果一个国家采取了正确的后备措施,检测也不是必不可少的。日本是一个人口密集的国家,没有进行太多检测,但其死亡率仅为美国的2%。原因之一是日本人长期以来一直接受口罩。雷德菲尔德指出,口罩在抗击疫情方面至少和疫苗同样有效。如果一个国家做对了一些事情,那么就不必做所有的事情。Yet in retrospect, Trump did almost everything wrong. He discouraged mask wearing. The administration never rolled out contact tracing, missed opportunities to isolate the infected and exposed, didn’t adequately protect nursing homes, issued advice that confused the issues more than clarified them, and handed responsibilities to states and localities that were unprepared to act. Trump did do a good job of accelerating a vaccine, but that won’t help significantly until next year.但回过头来看,特朗普几乎什么都做错了。他不鼓励戴口罩。政府从未推行过接触者追踪,错过了隔离感染者和暴露者的机会;没有充分保护疗养院;其发布的建议是对问题的混淆而不是澄清,并把责任交给没有准备好采取行动的州和地方。特朗普的确在加速研制疫苗方面做得很好,但这在明年之前不会有太大帮助。Trump’s missteps arose in part because he channeled an anti-intellectual current that runs deep in the United States, as he sidelined scientific experts and responded to the virus with a sunny optimism apparently meant to bolster the financial markets.特朗普的失误在一定程度上是因为他引导了美国深层之下的反智潮流,他排挤科学专家,以显然意在提振金融市场的阳光乐观态度去应对病毒。“It’s going to disappear,” Trump said on Feb. 27. “One day — it’s like a miracle — it will disappear.”“它会消失,”特朗普在2月27日表示。“有一天,它会奇迹般地消失。”A conservative commentariat echoed Trump in downplaying the virus and deriding efforts to stay safe. Brit Hume of Fox News mocked Joe Biden for wearing a large mask, and the right-wing website RedState denounced “the public health Gestapo” and called Dr. Anthony Fauci a “mask Nazi.” A University of Chicago study found that watching the Sean Hannity program correlated to less social distancing, so watching Fox News may well have been lethal to some of its fans.保守派评论界附和特朗普的说法,淡化病毒,嘲笑为保持安全所做的努力。福克斯新闻(Fox News)的布里特·休姆(Brit Hume)嘲笑乔·拜登(Joe Biden)戴着大口罩。右翼网站RedState谴责“公共卫生盖世太保”,并称安东尼·福奇(Anthony Fauci)博士为“口罩纳粹”。芝加哥大学(University of Chicago)的一项研究发现,观看肖恩·汉尼蒂(Sean Hannity)的节目同减少社交距离的保持存在关联,因此观看福克斯新闻很可能对部分粉丝产生致命的影响。Echoes of the Soviet Union苏联的回声Americans have often pointed to the Soviet Union as a place where ideology trumped science, with disastrous results. Stalin backed Trofim Lysenko, an agricultural pseudoscientist who was an ardent Communist but scorned genetics — and whose zealous incompetence helped cause famines in the Soviet Union. Later, in the 1980s, Soviet leaders were troubled by data showing falling life expectancy — so they banned publication of mortality statistics. It was in the same spirit that Trump opposed testing for the coronavirus in the hope of holding down the number of reported cases.美国人经常指出,在苏联,意识形态战胜了科学,造成了灾难性的后果。斯大林支持农业伪科学家特罗菲姆·李森科(Trofim Lysenko),此人是狂热的共产主义者,鄙视遗传学——他的狂热无能导致了苏联的饥荒。后来,在1980年代,苏联领导人对显示出预期寿命下降的数据感到不安,于是禁止发布死亡率统计。特朗普也本着同样的精神反对新冠病毒检测,希望能压低报告病例的数量。Of course, science sometimes gets it wrong. Many experts opposed closing borders, while Trump’s move to limit travel from China now appears sound — although 45 countries imposed such travel restrictions before the United States. Likewise, Fauci said on March 9: “If you’re a healthy, Newbie trader person, if you want to go on a cruise ship, go on a cruise ship.”当然,科学有时也会出错。许多专家反对关闭边境,而特朗普对中国的旅行限制现在看来是正确的——尽管45个国家在美国之前实施了此类禁令。同样,福奇在3月9日表示:“如果你是一个健康的年轻人,那么你想去坐邮轮就去坐邮轮。”Inevitably, science errs, then self-corrects. But Trump was not self-correcting.科学难免会出错,然后它会自我修正。但特朗普并没有进行自我修正。Most striking, Trump still has never developed a comprehensive plan to fight Covid-19. His “strategy” was to downplay the virus and resist business closures, in an effort to keep the economy roaring — his best argument for re-election.最令人吃惊的是,特朗普仍然没有制定出对抗新冠病毒的全面计划。他的“战略”是淡化病毒,制止企业倒闭,努力保持经济蓬勃发展——那是他争取连任的最佳论据。This failed. The best way to protect the economy was to control the virus, not to ignore it, and the spread of Covid-19 caused economic dislocations that devastated even homes where no one was infected. Eight million Americans have slipped into poverty since May, a Columbia University study found, and about one in seven households with children have reported to the census that they didn’t have enough food to eat in the last seven days. More than 40 percent of adults reported in June that they were struggling with mental health, and 13 percent have begun or increased substance abuse, a C.D.C. study found. More than one-quarter of Newbie trader adults said they have seriously contemplated suicide. Diane Reynolds, who runs an excellent addiction program called Provoking Hope, estimates that relapses have increased 50 percent during the pandemic.这个策略失败了。保护经济的最佳方式是控制病毒,而不是忽视它,新冠病毒的传播造成了经济混乱,甚至摧毁了没有感染的家庭。哥伦比亚大学(Columbia University)的一项研究发现,自5月以来,有800万美国人陷入贫困,大约七分之一有孩子的家庭在这项调查中报告,他们在过去七天里没有足够的食物吃。疾控中心的一项研究发现,今年6月,超过40%的成年人报告说,他们存在心理健康困扰,13%的人开始或加剧了药物滥用。超过四分之一的年轻人说他们曾认真考虑过自杀。管理着一个名为“唤起希望”(Provoking Hope)的戒毒项目的黛安·雷诺兹(Diane Reynolds)估计,在大流行期间,复吸率增加了50%。Taking a Threat Seriously认真对待威胁Instead of leading a war against the virus, Trump organized a surrender. He even held a super-spreader event at the White House, for Judge Amy Coney Barrett, and that’s why the White House recently had more new cases of Covid-19 than New Zealand, Taiwan and Vietnam combined.特朗普没有领导对抗病毒的战争,而是组织了一场投降。他甚至在白宫为艾米·科尼·巴雷特(Amy Coney Barrett)法官举办了一场“超级传播者”活动,正因如此,白宫最近新增的新冠病例人数比新西兰、台湾和越南的总和还要多。It didn’t have to be this way. If the U.S. had worked harder and held the per capita mortality rate down to the level of, say, Germany, we could have saved more than 170,000 lives. And if the U.S. had responded urgently and deftly enough to achieve Taiwan’s death rate, fewer than 100 Americans would have died from the virus.事情本不必这样的。如果美国更努力地将死亡率控制在德国等国的水平上,我们本可以挽救超过17万人的生命。如果美国能够迅速而巧妙地做出反应,达到台湾的死亡率,那么死于该病毒的美国人将不到100人。“It is a slaughter,” Dr. William Foege, a legendary epidemiologist who once ran the C.D.C., wrote to Dr. Redfield. Dr. Foege predicted that public health textbooks would study America’s response to Covid-19 not as a model of A-plus work but as an example of what not to do.“这是一场屠杀,”传奇流行病学家、曾任疾控中心负责人的威廉·福格(William Foege)博士在给雷德菲尔德的信中写道。福格预测,公共卫生教科书将会研究美国对新冠病毒的反应,不是将它作为优秀工作的典范,而是作为反面教材。纪思道(Nicholas Kristof)自2001年成为时报专栏作家。他曾因对中国及达尔富尔的报道两次获得普利策奖。欢迎注册他两周一次的免费新闻电邮,并且在Instagram、Twitter和Facebook上关注他。翻译:Annie Xu、晋其角点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 数以万计美国人死亡,是因为他们的政府无能

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中国在新疆大规模拆毁清真寺等宗教场所

王霜舟,王霜舟2020-09-29 16:01:34卫星图像显示了新疆已遭破坏和和未遭破坏的宗教场所。
Until a decade ago, the pilgrims would travel by bus, car, donkey and foot to gather by the thousands at the Imam Asim Shrine in the desert on China’s western frontier.就在10年前,成千上万的朝圣者还会乘坐大巴、小汽车和驴子,或步行前往中国西部边境沙漠中的伊玛目阿西姆圣陵。They trudged through the sand dunes to kneel at the sacred site dedicated to Imam Asim, a Muslim holy man who helped defeat the Buddhist kingdom that had ruled here over a thousand years ago. The devotees were Uighurs, a mostly Muslim ethnic minority, and often joined annual festivals to pray for abundant harvests, good health and strong babies.  他们艰难地穿过沙丘,跪在供奉伊玛目阿西姆(Imam Asim)的圣地。伊玛目阿西姆是一位穆斯林圣人,一千多年前,他帮助推翻了统治这里的佛教王国。这些虔诚的信徒是维吾尔人,一个大多为穆斯林的少数民族,他们经常参加这里每年举行的祈祷丰收、健康和强壮婴儿的节日。They tied strips of cloth carrying prayerful messages to wooden posts around and near the shrine. They delighted in fairground amusements on the site’s edge, where magicians, wrestlers and musicians entertained the crowds. They clustered around storytellers reciting ancient tales.他们在圣地周围和附近的木柱上绑上写有祈祷信息的布条。他们喜欢在圣地边缘的游乐场娱乐,那里有魔术师、摔跤手和乐手招待来客。他们聚集在讲故事的人身边,听他们讲述古老的故事。“It was not just a pilgrimage. There were performers, games, food, seesaws for the children, poetry reading, and a whole area for story-telling,” said Tamar Mayer, a professor at Middlebury College who visited the Imam Asim Shrine for research in 2008 and 2009. “It was still so full of people, and full of life.” “不仅仅是朝圣。这里有表演者、游戏、食物、给孩子们准备的跷跷板、诗歌朗诵,还有一个讲故事的区域,”明德学院(Middlebury College)教授塔玛·迈尔(Tamar Mayer)说。他曾在2008年和2009年为了研究前往伊玛目阿西姆圣陵。“当时那里依然人山人海,充满生机。”Even then the authorities were trying to limit the crowds at the shrine with checkpoints. By 2014, pilgrims had been almost entirely banned. And by last year, much of the shrine had been demolished. Wooden fences and poles that once encircled the tomb and held fluttering prayer flags had been torn down. Satellite images show that a mosque at the site was leveled. All that remained was the mud-brick building marking the tomb of Imam Asim, which appeared to be intact amid the ruins.即使在那时,当局也在试图用关卡来限制圣陵的人群。到2014年,朝圣几乎完全被禁止。到去年,圣陵的大部分已被拆毁。曾经环绕陵墓、悬挂祈祷旗的木栅栏和柱子已被拆除。卫星图像显示,现场一座清真寺被夷为平地。剩下的只有标志着伊玛目阿西姆坟墓的泥砖建筑,在废墟中似乎完好无损。
伊玛目阿西姆之墓的卫星图像对比图。
The Chinese authorities have in recent years closed and demolished many of the major shrines, mosques and other holy sites across Xinjiang that have long preserved the culture and Islamic beliefs of the region’s Muslims.近年来,中国当局关闭并拆除了新疆各地许多重要圣所、清真寺和其他圣地,这些地方长期以来保存着当地穆斯林的文化和伊斯兰信仰。The effort to close off and erase these sites is part of China’s broader campaign to turn the region’s Uighurs, Kazakhs and members of other Central Asian ethnic groups into loyal followers of the Communist Party. The assimilation drive has led to the detention of hundreds of thousands in indoctrination centers.关闭和铲除这些地点,是中国将新疆维吾尔人、哈萨克人和其他中亚民族转变为共产党忠实追随者的更广泛行动的一部分。这一同化运动导致数十万人被拘禁在教化中心。The new report by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, a research group based in Canberra, systematically gauges the degree of destruction and alteration to religious sites in recent years. It estimated that around 8,500 mosques across Xinjiang have been completely demolished since 2017 — more than a third of the number of mosques the government says are in the region.堪培拉研究团体澳大利亚战略政策研究所(Australian Strategic Policy Institute,简称ASPI)发布的新报告系统评估了近年来对宗教场所的破坏和改造程度。它估计,自2017年以来,新疆全境约有8500座清真寺被完全拆除,超过政府所说的该地区清真寺总数的三分之一以上。“What it does show is a campaign of demolition and erasure that is unprecedented since the Cultural Revolution,” said Nathan Ruser, the researcher at the institute who led the analysis. During the decade-long turmoil that unfolded from 1966 under Mao Zedong, many mosques and other religious sites were destroyed.“这确实显示出一场自文化大革命以来所未有的拆毁和清除运动,”该所研究人员、此次分析的负责人内森·鲁瑟(Nathan Ruser)说。文化大革命是1966年毛泽东领导下爆发的一场长达十年的动乱,在此期间许多清真寺和其他宗教场所被摧毁。

The institute, also known as ASPI, compiled a randomized sample of 533 known mosque sites across Xinjiang, and analyzed satellite images of each site taken at different times to assess changes. It studied the state of the region’s shrines, cemeteries and other sacred sites through a sample of 382 locations taken from a state-sponsored survey and online records.ASPI对新疆533个已知的清真寺地点进行了随机抽样调查,并分析了每个地点在不同时期拍摄的卫星图像,以评估其变化。它通过一项政府资助的调查和网上记录中抽取的382个地点的样本,研究了该地区的圣地、陵墓和其他宗教场所的状况。The Chinese government has dismissed reports of widespread demolition of religious sites as “total nonsense” and said that it values the protection and repair of mosques.中国政府驳斥了有关大规模拆毁宗教场所的报道,称其“颠倒黑白”,并表示重视对清真寺的保护和修复。Chinese officials have accused the Australian Strategic Policy Institute of seeking to malign China, and pointed to its funding from the United States government as evidence that its findings are biased. The institute rejects that claim, saying its research is completely independent from its funders.中国官员指责ASPI试图诋毁中国,并指出该研究所从美国政府获得资金,证明其研究结果存在偏见。该研究所否认了这一说法,称其研究完全独立于资助者。The authorities have placed tight controls on movement within Xinjiang and curbed the flow of information out of the region, making it a challenge to assess the scale of the destruction on the ground. The New York Times verified many of the details in ASPI’s report by studying satellite images and visiting sites across southern Xinjiang last year.当局严格控制新疆境内人员流动,并限制信息流出,导致很难评估当地破坏的规模。《纽约时报》通过研究卫星图像和去年对南疆一些地点的访问,证实了ASPI报告中的许多细节。“What we see here is the deliberate destruction of sites which are in every way the heritage of the Uighur people and the heritage of this land,” said Rachel Harris, an expert on Uighur music and culture at the University of London who reviewed the report.“我们在这里看到的是对这些地点的蓄意破坏,它们从任何方面来说都是维吾尔族的遗产,也是这片土地的遗产,”审阅了这份报告的伦敦大学(University of London)维吾尔音乐和文化专家雷切尔·哈里斯(Rachel Harris)说。
2008年节日期间,伊玛目阿西姆圣陵还包括一个游乐场和儿童游乐设施。
Many of the shrines and cemeteries that the authorities have recently closed or razed embodied the Uighurs’ diverse Islamic traditions. Pilgrims would visit shrines, known locally as “mazar,” with food offerings, goat horns and animal hides to show their piety, or cloth dolls embodying their hopes for a healthy child. Some spent weeks traveling from one sacred site to another.当局最近关闭或拆毁的许多圣地和陵墓体现了维吾尔人多样的伊斯兰传统。朝圣者参拜在当地被称为“麻札”的圣地时会带去食物供品、羊角和兽皮以示虔诚;或者带去布娃娃,表示他们希望得到一个健康的孩子。有些人花几周的时间从一个圣地去往另一个圣地。Large shrines are often gravesites of imams, merchants and soldiers who spread Islam in the region over a thousand years ago. Some are imposing complexes built and rebuilt over the centuries. But a tree or pile of stones can also serve as a shrine, marking a holy presence for villagers.大型圣地通常是一千多年前在该地区传播伊斯兰教的伊玛目、商人和士兵的陵墓。有些是几个世纪以来建造和重建的宏伟建筑群。但一棵树或一堆石头也可以成为圣地,为村民标示出一种神圣的存在。At Ordam, a famed shrine in the desert of southern Xinjiang, pilgrims had been gathering for more than 400 years years to celebrate the memory of a leader who brought Islam to the region and fought a rival Buddhist kingdom.400多年来,朝圣者们一直会聚集到新疆南部沙漠中的著名圣地奥达木,纪念一位将伊斯兰教带到该地区并与一个敌对的佛教王国作战的领袖。“If you have a donkey and a cart, you load up your food and you spend three weeks to get to a shrine,” said Rian Thum, a researcher at the University of Nottingham who has studied Ordam and other shrines and their fate. “The only place I’ve seen a grown Uighur man cry was at a shrine.”“如果你有一头驴和一辆车,你就会装上食物,然后花三周时间去圣地,”诺丁汉大学(University of Nottingham)研究奥达木和其他圣地及其状况的研究员莱恩·图姆(Rian Thum)说。“我只有在圣地才见过维吾尔成年男人哭泣。”But in the 1990s, the Chinese government grew increasingly nervous about the expansion of mosques and revival of shrines in Xinjiang. Officials saw the gathering of pilgrims as kindling for uncontrolled religious devotion and extremism, and a spate of antigovernment attacks by discontented Uighurs set the authorities on edge.但在1990年代,中国政府对新疆清真寺的扩张和圣地的复兴愈发紧张。官员们认为,朝拜者的集会是不受控的宗教信仰和极端主义的导火索,不满的维吾尔人发起的一系列反政府袭击也令当局感到不安。
去年,喀什商业街上,一座清真寺变成了商店。以前的清真寺是右边有黑色标志的建筑。
The authorities banned festivals and pilgrimages at Ordam in 1997, and other shrines closed in the following years.当局于1997年禁止了奥达木的节庆和朝圣活动,在接下来的几年里关闭了其他圣地。Still, some visitors and tourists crept in to visit.尽管如此,还是有一些游客悄悄来到这里参观。“One Uighur who had managed to visit Ordam told some of the villagers nearby that she had been, and they started weeping and one asked for some dust from her jacket,” Mr. Thum recalled. “This gives a sense how important this place is to people, even when they cannot visit.”“一个维吾尔人设法参拜了奥达木,并且告诉附近的一些村民她去过,他们听了开始哭泣,还有人向她索要外套上的尘土,”图姆回忆。“这让人感觉到这个地方对人们有多重要,即使他们不能去参拜。”The previous closures and bans on visits to the shrines were a prelude to a more aggressive campaign by the government.关闭和禁止参拜这些圣地之后,政府开始了更严厉的行动。By early 2018, the Ordam shrine, isolated in the desert and almost 50 miles from the nearest town, had been leveled, eradicating one of most important sites of Uighur heritage. Satellite images from that time showed the shrine’s mosque, prayer hall and simple housing where its custodians once lived had been razed. There is no news of what happened to the huge cooking pots where pilgrims left meat, grain and vegetables that custodians of the shrine cooked into holy meals.奥达木圣地孤零零地矗立在沙漠中,距离最近的城镇大约50英里,到2018年初,它被夷为平地,维吾尔最重要的文化遗产之一就此消失。当时的卫星图像显示,该圣地的清真寺、礼拜堂和守卫者曾经居住的简陋房屋被铲平。朝圣者曾经把肉类、谷物和蔬菜放在巨大的烹饪锅里,由圣地的守卫者煮成圣餐,目前这些大锅的下落已经无人知晓。
奥达木圣地的卫星图像对比图。
“You see a real and what seems to be a conscious effort at destroying places that are important to Uighurs, precisely because they are important to Uighurs,” Mr. Thum said.“你看到的是一场真正的行动,似乎是在有意识地破坏对于维吾尔人来说很重要的地方,正是因为它们对维吾尔人来说很重要,”图姆说。In some instances, the government has demolished mosques in the name of development. When Times reporters visited the city of Hotan in southern Xinjiang last year, we found a new park where satellite images showed there had been a mosque until late 2017.某些情况下,政府以发展为名拆除了清真寺。去年,时报记者造访新疆南部的和田市时发现了一所新公园,卫星图像显示,直到2017年底,那里还有一座清真寺。We found four other sites in the city where mosques once stood that were now new parks or bare patches of ground, and one mosque that was half-torn down. The main central mosque in Hotan remains, though only a trickle of people attend, even for Friday prayers.我们在该市还找到了另外四处曾经是清真寺的地点,现在都变成了新公园或空地,其中有一处清真寺已被拆除了一半。和田市一处主要的大清真寺仍然存在,只不过参加活动的只有一小群人,哪怕是在周五的祈祷。In Kashgar, the major city in southern Xinjiang, nearly all of the mosques in the center of town appeared shut, with furniture stacked up inside, gathering dust. One mosque had been turned into a bar.在新疆南部的主要城市喀什,位于市中心的几乎所有清真寺似乎都关闭了,寺里堆满了积灰的家具。一处清真寺已经变成酒吧。“It’s like I’m losing my family members around me because our culture is being taken away,” said Mamutjan Abdurehim, a Uighur graduate student from Kashgar who now lives in Australia and has been seeking information about his wife in Xinjiang. “It’s like a part of our flesh, our body, is being removed.”“就像正在失去身边的家人一样,因为我们的文化被夺走了,”来自喀什的维吾尔族研究生马木提·阿卜都热衣木(Mamutjan Abdurehim)说,他目前生活在澳大利亚,一直在寻找还在新疆的妻子的消息。“就像我们的一部分血肉和躯体被移除了。”Not every religious site has been razed. Some are now official tourist attractions, and no longer serve as pilgrimage sites, like the famed Afaq Khoja Mausoleum in Kashgar. A sprawling Uighur cemetery on the edge of Kashgar has so far survived and families stopped to tidy graves and pay their respects.并非所有宗教场所都被夷为平地。一些已经成为官方旅游景点,不再是朝圣地,比如喀什著名的阿帕克霍加墓(Afaq Khoja Mausoleum)。喀什市郊一处规模庞大的维吾尔族公墓目前还幸存着,很多人举家来到这里扫墓,表达他们的敬意。Uighurs noted that shrines had been destroyed in previous decades then rebuilt, and that they could rise again. But they were daunted by the scale of the recent eradication.维吾尔人指出,在过去几十年里,这些陵墓被摧毁又重建过,还有重生的机会。但他们仍对近来根除行动的规模感到恐惧。“The intensity of this crackdown is quite shocking,” Mr. Abdurehim said. “Many Uighurs who would like to be hopeful are quite pessimistic, including me.”“这样的镇压力度让人非常震惊,”阿卜都热衣木说。“包括我在内,很多想要保持希望的维吾尔人都十分悲观了。”储百亮(Chris Buckley)是《纽约时报》首席中国记者。他成长于澳大利亚悉尼,在过去30年中的大部分时间内居住在中国。在2012年加入《纽约时报》之前,他是路透社的一名记者。欢迎在Twitter上关注他 @ChuBailiang。王霜舟(Austin Ramzy)是《纽约时报》驻香港记者,专注本地新闻,也报道区域性和突发新闻。他此前驻台湾和北京,曾对亚洲重大事件作出报道。欢迎在Twitter上关注他 @austinramzy。翻译:纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。  https://feedx.xyz

Source: 中国在新疆大规模拆毁清真寺等宗教场所

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简报:中印边境传枪声;《花木兰》致谢新疆当局遭抵制

KONEY BAI,KONEY BAI2020-09-09 09:50:342011年,美国副总统拜登与时任中国国家副主席的习近平在中国都江堰会晤。
 • 拜登与中国的40年:从支持中国崛起到对华立场强硬。拜登与中国的接触始于1979年,他曾经支持中国在全球一体化中崛起,希望用国际准则改变中国。但如今,他谴责习近平为“暴徒”,视中国为一个首要战略挑战。(阅读本文中文版)• 中印边境局势再升温:双方互相指责对方向天鸣枪。这似乎是几十年来两国首次在有争议的边境地区挑衅性地使用枪支。分析认为,局势正进入一个危险的僵局,双方都不想发动战争,但双方也都不愿让步。随着中印关系在更大范围内恶化,边界争端只会日趋严峻。• 习近平召开抗疫表彰会,称成功抗疫是对中共治理能力的明证。习近平在大会上发表长篇讲话,指出本次疫情再次证明,中国共产党具有“无比坚强的领导力”和“显著优势”。著名呼吸病学专家钟南山等医护人员上台领奖,武汉眼科医生李文亮未被提及。 • 外交对峙五天后,澳媒两名记者紧急撤离中国。澳媒报道称,中国国家安全人员试图向这两名记者询问有关被拘澳籍主持人成蕾的问题。他们一度被禁止离境,在两国外交官谈判后获准回国。此事凸显出中澳关系的不断恶化。(阅读本文中文版)
迪士尼电影《花木兰》引发多方指责。
• 迪士尼电影《花木兰》再度触发抵制运动。对这部电影的最新批评聚焦在其拍摄地点上,制片方在片尾对多个新疆政府单位和警方表示了感谢。抵制活动在香港、泰国、台湾等地涌现,美国议员也对此表示不满。对一些观众来说,《花木兰》是中共宣扬民族主义政策的最新标志。 • 香港公众要求港警对女童过分使用武力道歉。此前一则广为流传的视频显示,多名港警追赶一名出现在抗议现场附近的12岁女童,其中一名警察将其扑倒制伏。这一场面在社交媒体迅速引发大量批评,教师、社工和心理学家等联署请愿,要求当局道歉,并对涉案警员发起调查。• 观点:与中国划清界线——美国华人当中的新“切割派”。在中美剑拔弩张的情况下,一些华人选择疏离中国甚至划清界线。有人拿古巴移民为例,赞成脱钩,也有人认为,种族主义并不会因此减少。(阅读本文中文版)
去年,缅甸西部若开邦一所罗辛亚学校的遗迹。
• “杀光你看到的一切,不管是小孩还是大人”。两名缅甸士兵公开承认对该国罗辛亚穆斯林少数群体犯下强奸、处决和集体埋葬的罪行。其中一人表示,指挥官命令他“射杀看到和听到的一切”。这份视频证词是首次有缅甸军人承认对罗辛亚人的大规模屠杀,将对国际刑事法院的裁决产生影响。此前缅甸一再否认种族灭绝指控。• 大流行封锁下,印度农民自杀率升至新高。经济学家称,数百万农民家庭在疫情中陷入贫困、破产和负债,致使该国长期存在的自杀问题进一步恶化。一名负债2万美元的农民说,“我们已经无泪可流,心变成了石头”。他所在的村落中几乎每个月都有人自杀。• 白俄罗斯抗议领袖撕毁护照拒绝离境。科列斯尼科娃周一在首都明斯克街头“消失”,其支持者称她被安全部门绑架。周二,活动人士表示,科列斯尼科娃在该国南部边境地区现身,当局欲将其驱逐至乌克兰,她当场撕毁护照,拒绝离境。• 观点:我们为什么还要上大学?疫情改变了大学教育的方方面面,令人怀疑传统的学习场所还有什么价值。但实际上,去学校最好的理由,是为了发现自己有多少不懂的东西。(阅读本文中文版) 感谢阅读今天的简报,新读者请点击此处订阅。点击这里查看往日更新。欢迎在Twitter(@nytchinese)、Instagram和Facebook上关注我们,了解更多中文资讯。也欢迎访问中文网首页阅读更多新闻。如有任何建议和想法,请来信与我们分享:cn.letters@nytimes.com。  https://feedx.xyz

Source: 简报:中印边境传枪声;《花木兰》致谢新疆当局遭抵制

210
卡玛拉·哈里斯的印度背景如何影响了她的价值观

SUHASINI RAJ,SUHASINI RAJ2020-08-17 15:54:07哈里斯的母亲教她,“不要让任何人摆布你,”她的舅舅G·巴拉钱德兰说。
 Sign up for NYT Chinese-language Morning Briefing.(欢迎点击此处订阅NYT简报,我们将在每个工作日发送最新内容至您的邮箱。)CHENNAI, India — One of Senator Kamala Harris’s brightest childhood memories was walking down the beach hand in hand with her Indian grandfather.印度金奈——卡玛拉·哈里斯(Kamala Harris)参议员最美好的童年记忆之一,就是和她的印度外祖父手拉手在海滩上散步。Her grandfather, P.V. Gopalan, had served for decades in the Indian government, and his ritual, nearly every morning, was to meet up with his retired buddies and talk politics as they strolled along the beach in Besant Nagar, a seaside neighborhood in Chennai where brightly painted fishing boats line the sand and Hindu temples stare out at the sea. During her visits from the United States, Ms. Harris tagged along while the men discussed equal rights, corruption and the direction India was headed.外祖父P·V·高普兰(P.V. Gopalan)曾在印度政府任职数十年,几乎每天早上都会和退休的好友们一起来到金奈的滨海街区贝赞特·纳加尔,沿着海滩边散步边聊政治,这里有着一排排色彩鲜艳的渔船与面向大海的印度教寺院。每次从美国来到印度,哈里斯总会跟在他们后面,听着他们讨论平权、腐败和印度的发展方向。“I remember the stories that they would tell and the passion with which they spoke about the importance of democracy,” Ms. Harris said in a 2018 speech to an Indian-American group. “As I reflect on those moments in my life that have had the most impact on who I am today — I wasn’t conscious of it at the time — but it was those walks on the beach with my grandfather in Besant Nagar that had a profound impact on who I am today.”“我记得他们讲的故事,以及他们谈论民主重要性时的激情,”哈里斯在2018年对一个印度裔美国人团体发表演讲时说。“当我反思生命中那些对如今的我影响最大的时刻——虽然在当时并没有意识到,但正是那些与外祖父在贝赞特·纳加尔海滩上散步的时光,对今天的我产生了深远的影响。”
1972年,哈里斯(前排中间)与妹妹和母亲在一起。她的母亲身边是自己的父母。当时哈里斯的外祖父母正在美国访问。
Although Ms. Harris has been more understated about her Indian heritage than her experience as a Black woman, her path to U.S. vice-presidential pick has also been guided by the values of her Indian-born mother, her Indian grandfather and her wider Indian family who have provided a lifelong support network that endures even from 8,000 miles away.虽然不像强调自己作为黑人女性的经历那样强调自己的印度血统,哈里斯通往美国副总统候选人的道路,也受到她在印度出生的母亲、印度外祖父和她的印度大家族的价值观所指引,他们为她提供了一个伴随一生的支持网络,即使在8000英里之外也是如此。Her grandfather, wearing Coke-bottle glasses and often a necktie during strolls, may have looked like many other upper-crust Indian gentlemen. But he defied the conservative stereotypes of his era, embodying a progressive outlook on public service and unswerving support for women, especially in terms of their education, that was years ahead of his time.她的外祖父总是戴着厚厚的眼镜,散步时经常系着领带,看上去可能和其他印度上流社会绅士没什么两样。但他打破了他那个时代保守的刻板印象,实践了一种进步的公共服务观和对女性坚定不移的支持,尤其是在女性教育方面,这比他的时代领先了好多年。He instilled great confidence in Ms. Harris’s mother, Shyamala Gopalan, who came to America in the late 1950s Newbie trader and alone and made a career as a IPO (Initial Public Offering) that attracts many Foriegn Investor especially from Chinese cancer researcher before dying of cancer in 2009.他为哈里斯的母亲希亚玛拉·高普兰(Shyamala Gopalan)注入了巨大的信心,1950年代末,年轻的她独自来到美国,以研究乳腺癌为事业,于2009年因癌症逝世。Ms. Harris remains close to her mother’s side of the family — her aunts and uncle can talk for hours from their homes in India about the bruising battles she has fought in San Francisco, Sacramento or Washington, giving the impression that they had ringside seats.哈里斯仍然与母亲的家族保持着密切关系——她在印度的舅舅和姨妈们可以一连几个小时谈起她在旧金山、萨克拉门托或华盛顿的艰苦斗争,让人感觉他们好像就坐在场边。
哈里斯外祖父母在金奈的旧居。
Her uncle, G. Balachandran, who lives in New Delhi, recalled visiting Ms. Harris in California about 15 years ago when she was San Francisco’s district attorney and was taking heat for not seeking the death penalty for a man accused of killing a police officer. She considered the death penalty flawed on many levels, both high-minded and pragmatic: racial inequities being one and the cost of pursuing the cases being another. Despite intense pressure from police officers and some of the top politicians in the state, Ms. Harris didn’t back down.她的舅舅G·巴拉钱德兰(G. Balachandran)住在新德里,他回忆说,大约15年前,他到加州去看望哈里斯,当时她是旧金山的地方检察官,因为没有为一名被控杀害警察的男子寻求死刑判决而受到指责。她认为死刑在道德和务实的角度都存在多方面的缺陷,种族不平等是一个因素,跟进一宗案件的成本也是一个因素。尽管面临着来自警察和该州一些高层政界人士的巨大压力,哈里斯并没有让步。“She got that from her mother,” her uncle said. “Shyamala always taught her: Don’t let anyone push you around.”“这是她妈妈的影响,”她舅舅说。“希亚玛拉总是教她:不要让任何人摆布你。”During a later race for California attorney general, Ms. Harris called her aunt Sarala Gopalan in Chennai and asked her to break coconuts for good luck at a Hindu temple overlooking the beach at Besant Nagar where she used to walk with her grandfather.后来竞选加州检察总长期间,哈里斯给在金奈的姨妈萨拉拉·高普兰(Sarala Gopalan)打电话,请姨妈到她和外祖父曾经一起散步的贝赞特·纳加尔,找一座可以俯瞰海滩的印度教寺庙去敲椰子祈福。The aunt lined up 108 coconuts — an auspicious number in Hinduism — to be smashed. “And it takes a whole day to arrange that,” she said. Ms. Harris won the election, by the slimmest of margins.姨妈将108个椰子(印度教的吉利数字)排列好,准备打碎。“这需要一整天的时间来安排,”她说。后来哈里斯以极微弱的优势赢得了选举。That beach is now shut. With India hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic and much of the country still locked down, the environs that Ms. Harris so fondly remembers are desolate. Last week a few sinewy, shirtless fishermen stood ankle deep in the waves and tugged hand lines, hoping for a fish.那个海滩现在已经关闭。由于印度受到新冠病毒大流行的严重打击,该国大部分地区仍处于封锁状态,哈里斯深情回忆的那些地方如今荒凉一片。上周在那里,几名身强力壮、赤膊上阵的渔民站在齐膝的海浪中,拖着钓线,希望能钓到一条鱼。Because of the foreign policy positions Ms. Harris has staked out as a senator, she has some detractors in India. But across the country she evokes enormous pride, particularly in the beachside community where she traces her roots.由于哈里斯担任参议员期间所持的外交政策立场,她在印度受到了一些批评。但她在全国范围内唤起了极大的自豪感,尤其是她家族出身的那个海滨社区。
哈里斯的母亲教她,“不要让任何人摆布你,”她的舅舅G·巴拉钱德兰说。
“That family had an immaculate reputation,” said N. Vyas, a retired doctor who was their upstairs neighbor. “They never raved about the great things that they have done in Delhi or something like that. They were straight-shooters — down-to-earth, happy people.”“那家人名声很好,”他们楼上的邻居、退休医生N·维亚斯(N. Vyas)说。“他们从来不会大肆宣扬自己在德里做了什么伟大的事情之类的。他们都是坦率的人——踏实、快乐的人。”Dr. Vyas’s wife, Jayanti, who is also a retired doctor and who was leaning in the doorway, shook her head with a knowing smile.维亚斯的妻子贾扬蒂(Jayanti)也是一名退休医生,她倚在门口,带着会意的微笑摇了摇头。“We are not surprised,” she said of Ms. Harris’s being named the first woman of color on the presidential ticket of a major U.S. party.“我们并不感到意外,”她是指哈里斯被提名为美国主要政党的第一位有色人种女性总统候选人。“See, all the women in her family are strong personalities,” she said. “These are women who know what they are talking and what they are saying.”“你看,她家里所有的女人都很有个性,”她说。“这些女人知道自己在谈什么、说什么。”The Gopalan story started in a small village south of Chennai called Painganadu, where Ms. Harris’s grandfather was born in 1911. In terms of India’s caste system, the family was at the top of the heap. They were Tamil Brahmins, an elite subculture known as TamBrahms.高普兰家族的故事开始于金奈南部一个名叫佩格纳度的小村庄,哈里斯的外祖父于1911年出生在那里。在印度的种姓制度中,这个家族处于最顶端。他们是泰米尔婆罗门(Tamil Brahmin),一种被称为“泰婆罗”(TamBrahm)的精英亚文化。After independence in 1947, the grandfather continued as a civil servant for the new Indian government, and the Gopalans moved around a lot. Ms. Harris’s mother, the eldest of four children, grew up like a military brat, adjusting to a new city every few years as her father was reposted.1947年印度独立后,她的外祖父在新政府继续担任公务员,高普兰一家也经常搬家。哈里斯的母亲是四个孩子中最年长的一个,她像个军人的孩子一样长大,随着父亲的调任,她每隔几年就要适应一个新的城市。Bright, determined and with a mellifluous voice that won her many singing prizes, Ms. Gopalan attended college in Delhi and studied home science, a vague field that touched on nutrition and children’s development. Her grandfather had higher hopes.聪慧、坚定的高普兰有着甜美的嗓音,为她赢得了许多歌唱奖项。她在德里上大学,主修家政学,这是一个涉及营养和儿童发展的模糊领域,而父亲对她有更高的期望。“What are you going to do with this home science degree, entertain guests?” he teased, according to Ms. Harris’s uncle.“你打算拿这个家政学学位用来干什么,招待客人?”哈里斯的舅舅回忆父亲当年这样调侃说。So when Ms. Gopalan won admission to a Ph.D. program at the University of California, Berkeley, to study nutrition and endocrinology (without anyone in the family knowing she had applied), her grandfather did not hesitate to pay, even though it was a lot of money for a civil servant.因此,当高普兰被加州大学伯克利分校(University of California, Berkeley)录取,攻读营养学和内分泌学博士学位时(家里人都不知道她申请学校的事),父亲毫不犹豫地为她支付了学费,尽管对于公务员来说这是一大笔钱。
新德里的欧文夫人学院,哈里斯的母亲希亚玛拉·高普兰曾在这里学习家政学。
Ms. Gopalan was only 19 when she arrived in Berkeley. Few Indians lived in the United States at the time, and she didn’t have many Indian friends.高普兰来到伯克利时只有19岁。当时美国很少有印度人,她也没有多少印度朋友。“Whenever I would go to visit, she would say, ‘Bala, this is my neighbor and that is my old friend,’ pointing at Black Americans,” recalled her uncle, Mr. Balachandran, whose family nickname is Bala.“每次我去看她,她都会指着几位美国黑人说,‘巴拉,这位是我的邻居,那位是我的老朋友,’”哈里斯的舅舅巴拉钱德兰回忆说,巴拉是他在家里的昵称。Ms. Gopalan quickly fell into a civil rights scene, marching in protests, being attacked by police officers with fire hoses and once, later on, racing away from a violent skirmish with Ms. Harris in a stroller. Berkeley was a Risk aversione of political activity.高普兰很快加入了民权运动的洪流,开始参加抗议游行,遭到了警察的消防水龙袭击。后来有一次,她和坐在婴儿车里的哈里斯从一场小型暴力冲突中逃脱。当时的伯克利是一个政治活动大本营。It was also where she met Donald Harris, a graduate student from Jamaica who specialized in leftist economic theory. He was her first boyfriend. Mr. Balachandran chalked up their romance to “philosophical affinity.”她也是在那里结识了唐纳德·哈里斯,后者是来自牙买加的一名研究生,研究左翼经济理论。他是她的第一个男朋友。巴拉钱德兰将两人的恋情归为“哲学吸引力”。When the couple married, Ms. Harris’s grandparents offered their blessings. The interracial dimension didn’t bother them, her aunt and uncle said. Ms. Harris’s grandmother was so proud that she took out wedding announcements in The Illustrated Weekly, one of the classiest magazines of its day.两人的婚姻得到了哈里斯的外祖父母的祝福。她的姨妈和舅舅说,种族对他们来说不是问题。哈里斯的祖母觉得很是自豪,在当时最为有格调的刊物之一《印度图画周报》(The Illustrated Weekly)上刊登了结婚启事。The couple soon had two daughters: Kamala, meaning “lotus” in Sanskrit, and Maya, meaning “illusion.” But the relationship didn’t last. Her mother filed for divorce when Ms. Harris was 7.两人很快有了两个女儿:卡玛拉(梵文意为“莲”)和玛雅(意为幻象)。但这段关系没有维持下去,哈里斯七岁时,母亲提出了离婚。For Ms. Gopalan, it was important to maintain her Indian heritage. She introduced her daughters to Hindu mythology and South Indian dishes such as dosa and idli, and took them to a nearby Hindu temple where she occasionally sang. She also stayed close to her parents and flew back every few years to Chennai, on India’s southeast coast, where her parents had settled.对高普兰来说,保持自己的印度传统很重要。她让女儿们接触了印度教神话和像多莎饼和蒸米糕这样的南印菜肴,并且会带她们去附近的一个印度教寺庙,她偶尔在那里唱歌。她与父母关系密切,每几年就会飞回到位于印度东南海岸的金奈,她的父母就居住在那里。
哈里斯的副总统竞选团队提供的一张未注明日期的照片中,高普兰(左)在加州伯克利的一场民权抗议活动中。
But as Ms. Harris explained in her memoir, published last year: “My mother understood very well that she was raising two Black daughters. She knew that her adopted homeland would see Maya and me as Black girls.”但正像哈里斯在自己去年出版的回忆录中说的那样:“我母亲很明白她是在抚养两个黑人女儿。她知道第二故乡会将玛雅和我视为黑人女孩。”The reaction to her in India has been mixed. There has been excitement — and front-page newspaper articles. But there has also been suspicion.在印度,人们对她的反应不一。有些人很是激动,报纸在头版刊登对她的报道。但也有人存有怀疑。Ms. Harris has expressed concern about Kashmir, whose statehood India’s central government revoked last year. And she criticized India’s foreign minister after he refused to meet with an Indian-American congresswoman who was also critical about Kashmir.哈里斯对克什米尔表达过关切,去年,印度中央政府取消了克什米尔的自治地位。在印度外交部长拒绝与一名对克什米尔提出批评的印度裔美国国会议员举行会面后,遭到了哈里斯的谴责。Kashmir is one of the most bitterly divisive issues in India. While many on India’s left have celebrated Ms. Harris’s rise, others on the right have criticized her, calling her a sellout.克什米尔是印度最具争议性的议题之一。尽管许多印度左派为哈里斯的崛起而欢庆,右派则对她做出批评,称她为叛徒。“It’s going to be hard to get an unequivocal hurrah, because Indian politics are polarized as well,” said Suhasini Haidar, a prominent Indian journalist.“要想得到一致赞誉是很难的,因为印度政治也很两极分化,”印度著名记者苏哈西妮·海德尔(Suhasini Haidar)说。Ms. Harris has not been back to India since her mother died 11 years ago. It had been her mother’s dying wish to return. In the end, Ms. Harris returned with her ashes.自母亲11年前去世后,哈里斯再也没有回过印度。回到印度是母亲的遗愿。最终,哈里斯带着她的骨灰回去了。
上周,哈里斯和小约瑟夫·R·拜登在一起。
It was obvious where they would go.她们要去哪里,显而易见。One sunny morning, Ms. Harris and her uncle walked down to the beach in Besant Nagar where she used to stroll with her grandfather all those years ago, and scattered the ashes on the waves.在一个晴朗早晨,哈里斯和舅舅走到了贝赞特·纳加尔那片多年前与外祖父散步的海滩,将骨灰洒在海浪中。Shalini Venugopal Bhagat对本文有报道贡献。Jeffrey Gettleman是南亚分社社长,驻新德里。他曾凭借国际报道获得过一项普利策奖,并且是回忆录《Love, Africa》的作者。欢迎在Twitter和Facebook上关注他。Suhasini Raj在印度和国际新闻媒体作为调查记者工作了十几年。她是驻新德里分社记者,于2014年加入时报。翻译 :纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 卡玛拉·哈里斯的印度背景如何影响了她的价值观

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