韩国国会选举：尹锡悦与李在明的“角斗士”之战

CHOE SANG-HUN2024年4月10日2022年首尔大选时，共同民主党候选人李在明和国民力量党候选人尹锡悦。 Yonhap, via Associated PressThe elections are ostensibly about the 300 seats in Parliament, but when South Koreans go to the polls on Wednesday, they will also be signaling support for one of two leaders who are locked in what is known here as “gladiator politics.”这次选举表面上是为了争夺国会的300个议席，但当韩国人周三投票时，他们也将向两位领导人之一发出支持的信号，两人正在进行被韩国人称为“角斗士政治”的角逐。The do-or-die rivalry between President Yoon Suk Yeol and the opposition leader Lee Jae-myung, whose party holds the majority in the National Assembly, has made the elections as fraught with fear and resentment as any in South Korea​n history. Neither leader commands broad popularity, instead relying on hard-line supporters who either want to see Mr. Yoon, a conservative, impeached for abuse of power, or Mr. Lee, a progressive, imprisoned for corruption.总统尹锡悦和反对党领袖李在明（他所在的政党在国会占多数席位）之间你死我活的竞争，使这次选举和韩国历史上的选举一次选举一样，充满恐惧和怨恨。两位领导人都没有得到广泛的民众基础，而是依靠强硬的支持者，这些人要么希望看到保守派的尹锡悦因滥用权力而被弹劾，要么希望进步派的李在明因腐败而入狱。“This election is about who you want to punish, Yoon Suk Yeol or Lee Jae-myung,” said Eom Kyeong-Newbie trader, an election analyst at the Zeitgeist Institute in Seoul.“这次选举是关于你想惩罚谁，尹锡悦还是李在明，”首尔时代精神研究所的选举分析师严庆荣（音）说。On the global stage, South Korea is the dynamic exporter of cars, phones, K-pop and K-dramas. But at home, voter discontent runs deep. The country’s economy is slowing. Its birthrate is the world’s lowest. Its Gen Z youth — frustrated with widening economic inequity and priced out of the housing market — fear that they will be the first generation in the country’s history economically worse off than their parents.在国际舞台上，韩国是汽车、手机、韩国流行乐和韩剧的活跃出口国。但在国内，选民的不满情绪根深蒂固。该国的经济正在放缓。它的出生率是世界上最低的。Z世代的年轻人对日益扩大的经济不平等感到沮丧，他们因为房价过高而被住房市场拒之门外，担心自己将成为这个国家历史上第一代经济状况比父母差的人。Amid these fundamental crises, the country’s politics are more divided than ever. Online demagoguery proliferates through YouTube and other social media, mainstreaming hate. In January, a disgruntled older man stabbed Mr. Lee in the neck with a knife. (The attacker said South Korea was “in a civil war,” adding that he wanted to “cut the head” of the country’s “pro-North Korean” left wing, according to a manifesto he sent from his prison cell to Choo Chin-woo, an investigative journalist.) A few weeks later, an angry youth attacked a governing-party lawmaker, striking her in the head with a stone.有了这些根本性的危机，这个国家的政治比以往任何时候都更加分裂。网上的煽动言论通过YouTube和其他社交媒体激增，使得仇恨成为主流。今年1月，一名心怀不满的老人用刀刺伤了李在明的脖子。这名袭击者在狱中发给调查记者朱震禹（音）一份宣言，声称韩国“处于内战”，还说他想“砍下”韩国那些“亲朝鲜”左翼的脑袋。几周后，一名愤怒的年轻人袭击了一名执政党议员，用石头砸中她的头部。李在明在2022年的总统竞选中失败，但仍在领导反对党共同民主党。今年1月，一名男子刺伤了他的脖子。Mr. Yoon and Mr. Lee’s parties have released reams of similar campaign promises on how to address problems like the country’s dismal birthrate. But their campaign focus, analysts said, has been on demonizing their rivals.在解决韩国低出生率等问题上，尹锡悦和李在明的政党也发布了大量类似的竞选承诺。但分析人士说，他们的竞选重点一直是将对手妖魔化。South Korea’s politics have long been ​dominated by revenge and resentment, so much so they have become a vindictive “gladiators’ arena​,” Cho Newbie traderho, a political science professor at Sogang University, wrote in an analysis last month. ​Presidents, elected for a single, five-year term, have often pursued their predecessors or domestic rivals with criminal investigations, creating a vicious cycle of political retaliation.西江大学政治学教授赵永浩（音）在上个月的一篇分析文章中写道，长期以来，复仇和怨恨一直主导着韩国的政治，令韩国变成了一个充满报复的“角斗士竞技场”。当选的总统任期为五年，通常会对前任或国内竞争对手进行刑事调查，从而形成政治报复的恶性循环。Mr. Yoon and Mr. Lee first clashed in the 2022 presidential election, a race South Korean news media deemed “a contest between the unlikable.” Mr. Yoon beat Mr. Lee by ​a narrow margin. Their rivalry has only intensified since then.尹锡悦和李在明第一次交锋是在2022年的总统选举中，韩国新闻媒体认为那次竞选是“不受欢迎者之间的较量”。 尹锡悦以微弱优势击败了李在明。从那时起，他们之间的竞争愈演愈烈。2022年大选候选人（左起）：绿色正义党沈相奵、国民之党安哲秀、国民力量党尹锡悦、共同民主党李在明。李在明以微弱劣势输给了尹锡悦，之后两人继续进行激烈的政治竞争。Under Mr. Yoon, state prosecutors have pursued Mr. Lee, his wife and ​his ​former aides with a series of investigations. Mr. Lee has been indicted on bribery and other criminal charges, accusations he denies. Denounced as a “criminal suspect” by Mr. Yoon’s People Power Party, he has failed to win an audience with the president to discuss policies.在尹锡悦的领导下，韩国检方对李在明夫妇和他的前助手展开了一系列调查。李在明被控贿赂和其他刑事指控，但他予以否认。他被尹锡悦的国民力量党斥为“犯罪嫌疑人”，未能获得与总统讨论政策的机会。Instead of stepping aside after his electoral loss, Mr. Lee was back in the center of politics within a few months. He won a parliamentary seat and, in effect, a political shield from prosecutors. And Mr. Lee, who wants to run again for president in 2027, also tightened his grip on his Democratic Party.李在明在选举失败后没有辞职，而是在几个月内重新回到了政治中心。他赢得了一个议会席位，实际上等于获得了政治庇护，得以不被检察官起诉。李在明希望在2027年再次竞选总统，并加强了对他所在的共同民主党的控制。He has since made it his mission to fight what he says is Mr. Yoon’s “dictatorship by prosecutors,” staging a three-week hunger strike.从那以后，他开始了为期三周的绝食抗议，把反对其所谓尹锡悦“检察官专制”作为自己的使命。Mr. Lee’s party has refused to endorse Mr. Yoon’s cabinet nominees. Mr. Yoon has vetoed parliamentary bills passed by Mr. Lee’s party, including one mandating an investigation of corruption claims involving the first lady, Kim Keon Hee.李在明的政党拒绝支持尹锡悦的内阁人选。尹锡悦否决了李在明领导的政党通过的国会议案，其中包括要求对第一夫人金建希的腐败指控进行调查。李在明去年绝食，抗议他所称的尹锡悦滥用检察官骚扰政治对手的行为。In parliamentary polls, South Koreans often vote for the parties and their leaders, not for individual candidates. About 20 percent of eligible voters want to see both Mr. Yoon and Mr. Lee punished, and this election could be decided by how they eventually vote, said Jeong Han Wool, a polling expert at the Research Institute of Korean People.在议会选举中，韩国人往往投票给政党及其领导人，而不是投给作为个人的候选人。韩国人民研究所的民调专家郑汉武（音）说，大约20%的合格选民希望看到尹锡悦和李在明都受到惩罚，这次选举可能取决于他们最终的投票结果。A victory for Mr. Lee’s Democratic Party would help revive his presidential prospects — as well as his efforts to pass new bills for special prosecutors to investigate accusations of corruption and abuse of power involving Mr. Yoon’s government and his wife.如果李在明的共同民主党获胜，将有助于重振他当选总统的前景，也有助于他推动通过新议案，让特别检察官调查涉及尹锡悦政府及其夫人的腐败和滥用权力指控。The election is mainly a contest between the two largest parties for parliamentary majority. But a host of small and even obscure startup parties have also joined the fray. Candidates of Mr. Lee’s party and two small parties closely allied with it are running their campaign with calls to “punish” Mr. Yoon or turn him into an early “lame” or “dead duck.”这次选举主要是两个最大政党争夺议会多数席位的较量。但许多小型甚至不知名的新建政党也加入了竞争。李在明所在政党的候选人以及与其关系密切的两个小政党在竞选活动中呼吁“惩罚”尹锡悦，或者让他早日成为“跛鸭”或“死鸭”。“An election defeat will leave Yoon hardly able to do anything until his term expires,” said Shin Yul, a political scientist at Myongji University in Seoul.首尔明知大学的政治学家申烈（音）说：“如果选举失败，在任期结束之前，尹锡悦几乎什么都做不了。”Mr. Yoon and Mr. Lee hail from sharply different backgrounds, making their clash not only political but also cultural.尹锡悦和李在明的背景截然不同，因此他们的冲突不仅是政治上的，也是文化上的。Mr. Yoon, a son of a college professor, was an elite prosecutor, rising to the ranks of prosecutor-general before becoming president. His supporters praise him for strengthening ties with the United States in the face of nuclear threats from North Korea. But his detractors call him a hamfisted elitist who favors the rich and uses coercive measures to silence critics.尹锡悦是大学教授的儿子，是一名精英检察官，在成为总统之前曾担任检察总长。支持者称赞他在面对朝鲜核威胁时加强了与美国的关系。但批评者称他是一个拙劣的精英主义者，偏袒富人，使用强制措施来压制批评者。Under Mr. Yoon, prosecutors and the police have raided news outlets accused of spreading “fake news.” State regulators have reprimanded a TV station for not attaching the Korean equivalent of “first lady” or “Ms.” to the name of Mr. Yoon’s wife. His bodyguards gagged and removed an opposition lawmaker and a student who shouted criticism at Mr. Yoon during government and campus events. In its 2024 Democracy Report, the V-Dem Institute of Sweden ranked South Korea under Mr. Yoon as one of the 42 countries undergoing “autocratization.”在尹锡悦的领导下，检察官和警方突击搜查了被控传播“假新闻”的新闻机构。国家监管机构谴责一家电视台，因为它没有在尹锡悦妻子的名字后面加上韩语的“第一夫人”或“夫人”字样。他的保镖堵住一名反对派议员和一名学生的嘴，将他们带走，因为他们分别在政府和校园活动中大声批评尹锡悦。瑞典的V-Dem研究所在《2024年民主报告》中，将尹锡悦领导的韩国列为42个“专制国家”之一。去年，尹锡悦和妻子金建希在纪念韩国反抗日本殖民统治的独立运动日仪式上。Mr. Lee, a son of public toilet cleaners, was a teenage sweatshop worker in rubber and glove factories before becoming a labor lawyer, a mayor and a provincial governor. His supporters see him as an outspoken outsider who can fix establishment politics. But his critics call him a devious populist who cut corrupt deals while in office and quashed dissenting voices within his party in attempts to consolidate power.李在明是公共厕所清洁工的儿子，青少年时期曾在生产橡胶和手套的血汗工厂工作，后来成为劳工律师、市长和知事。支持者认为他是一个敢于直言的局外人，可以修复建制政治。但批评者称他是一个狡猾的民粹主义者，执政期间进行腐败交易，在党内压制反对声音，试图巩固权力。Mr. Lee is now on trial on charges of giving illegal favors to a private investor in a real estate project while he was a mayor. Another accusation prosecutors have made is that when he was a governor, he asked a local businessman to illegally transfer $8 million to North Korea to promote economic exchanges with his province.李在明目前正在受审，他被控担任市长期间在一个房地产项目上向一名私人投资者提供非法帮助。检察官提出的另一项指控是，他在担任知事期间，要求当地一名商人非法向朝鲜转移800万美元，以促进与他所在省份的经济交流。Many analysts expect the coming election to amplify polarization in the country.许多分析人士预计，即将到来的选举将加剧该国的两极分化。“Politics will continue to be dominated by a struggle between the one who wants to kill and the one who wants to survive,” said Mr. Cho of Sogang University. “Issues the people care about — the livelihoods of the public, the economy, low birthrates and welfare — take a back seat.”“政治将继续被想要杀人者和想要生存者之间的斗争所主导，”西江大学的赵永浩说。“人们关心的民生、经济、低出生率和福利等问题都退居次要地位。”Choe Sang-Hun是时报驻首尔的首席记者，报道韩国和朝鲜新闻。点击查看更多关于他的信息。翻译：晋其角点击查看本文英文版。  https://feedx.run

Source: 韩国国会选举：尹锡悦与李在明的“角斗士”之战

中国水军假冒特朗普支持者，试图影响美国大选

TIFFANY HSU, STEVEN LEE MYERS2024年4月2日 Alice LagardeCovert Chinese accounts are masquerading online as American supporters of former President Donald J. Trump, promoting conspiracy theories, stoking domestic divisions and attacking President Biden ahead of the election in November, according to researchers and government officials.据研究人员和政府官员称，隐蔽的中国账号正在网上伪装成支持前总统特朗普的美国人，宣扬阴谋论，煽动国内分裂，并在11月大选前攻击拜登总统。The accounts signal a potential tactical shift in how Beijing aims to influence American politics, with more of a willingness to target specific candidates and parties, including Mr. Biden.这些账号表明，中国政府在寻求影响美国政治的方式上可能进行了战术转型，更愿意将目标对准特定的候选人和政党，包括拜登。In an echo of Russia’s influence campaign before the 2016 election, China appears to be trying to harness partisan divisions to undermine the Biden administration’s policies, despite recent efforts by the two countries to lower the temperature in their relations.与俄罗斯在2016年大选前的影响运动相似，中国似乎也在试图利用党派分歧来破坏拜登政府的政策，尽管中美两国最近都在努力给两国的紧张关系降温。Some of the Chinese accounts impersonate fervent Trump fans, including one on X that purported to be “a father, husband and son” who was “MAGA all the way!!” The accounts mocked Mr. Biden’s age and shared fake images of him in a prison jumpsuit, or claimed that Mr. Biden was a Satanist pedophile while promoting Mr. Trump’s “Make America Great Again” slogan.其中一些上述的中国账号冒充狂热的特朗普粉丝，包括一个X上的账号，声称自己是“父亲、丈夫和儿子”，而且“百分百MAGA！！”（“让美国恢复荣光”的简写。）这些账号嘲笑拜登的年龄，分享他穿着囚服的假照片，或声称拜登是崇拜撒旦的恋童癖，同时宣传特朗普的“让美国恢复荣光”口号。“I’ve never seen anything along those lines at all before,” said Elise Thomas, a senior analyst at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a nonprofit research organization that uncovered a small group of the fake accounts posing as Trump supporters.战略对话研究所高级分析师埃莉斯·托马斯说：“我以前从未见过类似的情况，”这家非营利研究机构发现了一小部分冒充特朗普支持者的虚假账号。Ms. Thomas and other researchers have linked the new activity to a long-running network of accounts connected with the Chinese government known as Spamouflage. Several of the accounts they detailed previously posted pro-Beijing content in Mandarin — only to resurface in recent months under the guise of real Americans writing in English.托马斯和其他研究人员将这些新运动和一个与中国政府有关联的长期运营的账号网络联系起来，这个网络被称为“水军迷彩”。他们具体提到的几个账号以前用中文发布支持北京的内容，最近几个月才开始假装成使用英语发文的真正的美国人。In a separate project, the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a research organization in Washington, identified 170 inauthentic pages and accounts on Facebook that have also pushed anti-American messages, including pointed attacks on Mr. Biden.在另一个项目中，华盛顿研究机构捍卫民主基金会在Facebook上发现了170个不真实的网页和账号，它们也在推送反美信息，包括对拜登的尖锐攻击。The effort has more successfully attracted actual users’ attention and become more difficult for researchers to identify than previous Chinese efforts to influence public opinion in the United States. Though researchers say the overall political tilt of the campaign remains unclear, it has raised the possibility that China’s government is calculating that a second Trump presidency, despite his sometimes hostile statements against the country, might be preferable to a second Biden term.与中国以往影响美国民众的努力相比，这些行动更成功地吸引了真实用户的注意力，也更难被研究人员识别。尽管研究人员表示，这场行动的总体政治倾向并不明确，但它提出了一种可能性，即中国政府正在盘算，尽管特朗普有时会发表敌视中国的言论，但如果他再次当选总统，可能会比拜登再次连任对中国更有利。China’s activity has already raised alarms inside the American government.中国的这些行动已经引起了美国政府内部的警觉。In February, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence reported that China was expanding its influence campaigns to “sow doubts about U.S. leadership, undermine democracy and extend Beijing’s influence.” The report expressed concern that Beijing could use increasingly sophisticated methods to try to influence the American election “to sideline critics of China.”今年2月，美国国家情报总监办公室报告称，中国正在扩大其影响力运动，以“制造对美国领导力的怀疑，破坏民主，扩大北京的影响力”。报告担心，北京可能会使用越来越复杂的方法来试图影响美国大选，“使批评中国的人靠边站。”Ms. Thomas, who has studied China’s information operations for years, said the new effort suggested a more subtle and sophisticated approach than previous campaigns. It was the first time, she said, that she had encountered Chinese accounts posing so persuasively as Trump-supporting Americans while managing to attract genuine engagement.研究中国信息运作多年的托马斯说，与以往的行动相比，这些新努力表明中国采取了一种更微妙、更复杂的方式。她说这是她第一次看到中国账号如此有说服力地冒充支持特朗普的美国人，同时又能吸引真正的互动。“The worry has always been, what if one day they wake up and are effective?” she said. “Potentially, this could be the beginning of them waking up and being effective.”“我们一直担心的是，如果有一天这些账号活跃起来，变得有效了怎么办？”她说。“有可能，这就是它们活跃并产生效果的开始。”Online disinformation experts are looking ahead to the months before the November election with growing anxiety.研究网络虚假信息的专家们对11月大选前的几个月越来越焦虑不安。Intelligence assessments show Russia using increasingly subtle influence tactics in the United States to spread its case for isolationism as its war against Ukraine continues. Mock news sites are targeting Americans with Russian propaganda.情报评估显示，随着对乌克兰战争的继续，俄罗斯在美国使用愈发微妙的影响策略来传播推动孤立主义的主张。虚假新闻网站正在针对美国人传播俄罗斯的宣传信息。Efforts to beat back false narratives and conspiracy theories — already a difficult task — must now also contend with waning moderation efforts at social media platforms, political pushback, fast-advancing artificial intelligence technology and broad information fatigue.击退虚假叙事和阴谋论本已是一项艰巨的任务，现在还必须应对社交媒体平台节制力度的减弱、政治上的反击、快速发展的人工智能技术，以及广泛的信息疲劳。Until now, China’s efforts to advance its ideology in the West struggled to gain traction, first as it pushed its official propaganda about the superiority of its culture and economy and later as it began denigrating democracy and stoking anti-American sentiment.先是中国官方宣传其文化和经济的优越性，然后是诋毁民主和煽动反美情绪。但迄今为止，中国在西方推进其意识形态的努力在吸引受众方面一直面临困难。In the 2022 midterm elections, the cybersecurity firm Mandiant reported that Dragonbridge, an influence campaign linked to China, tried to discourage Americans from voting while highlighting U.S. political polarization. That campaign, which experimented with fake American personas posting content in the first person, was poorly executed and largely overlooked online, researchers said.网络安全公司曼迪安特报告称，在2022年中期选举期间，一个与中国有关联的影响力运动“龙桥”试图劝美国人放弃投票，同时强调美国的政治两极分化。研究人员说，该运动尝试使用假冒美国人的角色，以第一人称发布内容，但执行不力，在网上基本上遭到了忽视。The recent campaigns connected to China have sought to exploit the divisions already apparent in American politics, joining the divisive debate over issues such as Same Currency Pair rights, immigration and crime mainly from a right-wing perspective.最近与中国有关的影响力运动试图利用美国政治中已然明显的分歧，主要从右翼的角度加入了关于同性恋权利、移民和犯罪等问题的容易产生分化的辩论。In February, according to the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a Chinese-linked account on X calling itself a Western name alongside a “MAGA 2024” reference shared a video from RT, the Russian television network controlled by the Kremlin, to claim that Mr. Biden and the Central Intelligence Agency had sent a neo-Nazi gangster to fight in Ukraine. (That narrative was debunked by the investigative group Bellingcat.)战略对话研究所表示，今年2月，X上的一个与中国相关的账号给自己起了一个西方名字，并提及“MAGA 2024”，该账号分享了克里姆林宫控制的俄罗斯电视网络RT的视频，声称拜登和中央情报局派出一名新纳粹黑帮前往乌克兰作战。（调查团体Bellingcat揭穿了这一不实说法。）The next day the post received an enormous boost when Alex Jones, the podcaster known for spreading false claims and conspiracy theories, shared it on the platform with his 2.2 million followers.第二天，以传播虚假言论和阴谋论而闻名的播客主持人亚历克斯·琼斯在该平台上与他的220万粉丝分享了该帖子，该帖因此受到巨大的关注。The account with the “MAGA 2024” reference had taken steps to appear authentic, describing itself as being run by a 43-year-old Trump supporter in Los Angeles. But it used a profile photo lifted from a Danish man’s travel blog, the institute’s report on the accounts said. Although the account opened 14 years ago, its first publicly visible post was last April. In that post, the account attempted, without evidence, to link Mr. Biden to Jeffrey Epstein, the disgraced financier and registered Forex and Stock Speculating offender.为了显得真实，这个提到“MAGA 2024”的账号采取了不少措施，它自称是由洛杉矶一名43岁的特朗普支持者运营的。但战略对话研究所关于该账号的报告显示，它使用了从一名丹麦男子的旅游博客中摘取的个人资料照片。尽管该帐号于14年前就注册开通了，但第一个公开可见的帖子却是在去年4月发布的。在那篇帖子中，该账号在没有证据的情况下试图将拜登与名誉扫地的金融家、已登记在册的性犯罪者杰弗里·爱泼斯坦联系起来。At least four other similar accounts are also operating, Ms. Thomas said, all of them with ties to China. One account paid for a subscription on X, which offers perks like better promotion and a blue check mark that was, before Elon Musk bought the platform, a sign of verification conferred to users whose identities had been verified. Like the other accounts, it shared pro-Trump and anti-Biden claims, including the QAnon conspiracy theory and baseless election fraud accusations.托马斯说，至少还有其他四个类似的账号也在运营中，所有这些账号都与中国有联系。其中一个账号在X上还为订阅付了费，相关付费服务提供更好的宣传和蓝色打勾标志等好处，在埃隆·马斯克购买该平台之前，蓝色打勾标志对普通用户意味着这个账号的身份已得到验证。与其他账号一样，这个账号也分享了支持特朗普和反对拜登的言论，内容包括QAnon阴谋论和毫无根据的选举舞弊指控。The posts included exhortations to “be strong ourselves, not smear China and create rumors,” awkward phrases like “how dare?” instead of “how dare you?” and signs that the user’s web browser had been set to Mandarin.这些帖子包括劝诫“我们自己要强大，不要抹黑中国、制造谣言”，以及“how dare？”这样蹩脚的语句，而不是“how dare you？”（意为“你凭什么”。——译注）此外还有迹象表明，该用户的网络浏览器设置的是简体中文。One of the accounts seemed to slip up in May when it responded to another post in Mandarin; another was posting primarily in Mandarin until last spring, when it briefly went silent before resurfacing with all-English content. The accounts denounced efforts by American lawmakers to ban the popular TikTok app, which is owned by the Chinese company ByteDance, as a form of “true authoritarianism” orchestrated by Israel and as a tool for Mr. Biden to undermine China.其中一个账号在5月份似乎出现了失误，用中文回复了另一篇帖子。另一个账号主要用普通话发布内容，直到去年春天，该账号短暂沉寂，然后又以全英文内容重新出现。这些账号谴责美国立法者禁止中国公司字节跳动旗下广受欢迎的TikTok应用程序的努力，称其为以色列精心策划的一种“真正的威权主义”形式，也是拜登削弱中国的工具。The accounts sometimes amplified or repeated content from the Chinese influence campaign Spamouflage, which was first identified in 2019 and linked to an arm of the Ministry of Public Security. It once posted content almost exclusively in Chinese to attack the Communist Party’s critics and protesters in Hong Kong.这些账号有时会放大或重复中国影响力活动“水军迷彩”的内容，该行动于2019年首次被发现，与中国公安部的一个部门有关。它曾经基本只中文发布内容来攻击香港的共产党批评者和抗议者。It has pivoted in recent years to focus on the United States, portraying the country as overwhelmed by chaos. By 2020, it was posting in English and criticizing American foreign policy, as well as domestic issues in the United States, including its response to Covid-19 and natural disasters, like the  Earnings-price ratiofires in Hawaii last year.近年来，该行动重点转向了美国，将这个国家描绘成一片混乱。到2020年，它开始用英语发帖，批评美国的外交政策以及美国国内问题，包括对新冠和自然灾害（如去年夏威夷山火）的反应。China, which has denied interfering in other countries’ internal affairs, now appears to be building a network of accounts across many platforms to put to use in November. “This is reminiscent of Russia’s style of operations, but the difference is more the intensity of this operation,” said Margot Fulde-Hardy, a former analyst at Viginum, the government agency in France that combats disinformation online.否认干涉他国内政的中国目前似乎正在多个平台上建立一个账号网络，并将于11月投入使用。“这让人想起俄罗斯的行动风格，但不同之处更多在于这种行动的强度，”法国打击网上虚假信息的政府机构Viginum的前分析师玛戈·富尔德-哈迪说。In the past, many Spamouflage accounts followed one another, posted sloppily in several languages and simultaneously blitzed social media users with identical messages across multiple platforms.过去，许多“水军迷彩”旗下账号会互相关注，随意地用多种语言发布内容，并同时在多个平台上向社交媒体用户发布相同的信息。The newer accounts are trickier to find because they are trying to build an organic following and appear to be controlled by humans rather than automated bots. One of the accounts on X also had linked profiles on Instagram and Threads, creating an appearance of authenticity.较新的账号更难找到，因为它们试图打造自然增长的关注群体，并且似乎是由人而不是自动化机器人控制的。X上的一个帐号还在Instagram和Threads上链接了个人资料，营造出真实的样子。Meta, which owns Instagram and Threads, last year removed thousands of inauthentic accounts linked to Spamouflage on Facebook and others on Instagram. It called one network it had removed “the largest known cross-platform influence operation to date.” Hundreds of related accounts remained on other platforms, including TikTok, X, LiveJournal and Blogspot, Meta said.拥有Instagram和Threads的Meta公司去年在Facebook和Instagram上删除了数以千计与“水军迷彩”相关的不真实账号。该公司称删除的一个网络是“迄今为止已知的最大的跨平台影响力操作”。Meta表示，其他平台上仍有数以百计的相关账号，包括TikTok、X、LiveJournal和Blogspot上。The Foundation for Defense of Democracies documented a new coordinated group of Chinese accounts linked to a Facebook page with 3,000 followers called the War of Somethings. The report underscores the persistence of China’s efforts despite Meta’s repeated efforts to take down Spamouflage accounts.保卫民主基金会记录了一个新出现的协调行动中国帐号群组，该账号与一个拥有3000名粉丝的Facebook页面有关联，这个页面名为“某物之战”(War of Somethings)。报告强调了中国一直在不断尝试，尽管Meta一再努力关闭“水军迷彩”账号。“What we’re seeing,” said Max Lesser, a senior analyst with the foundation, “is the campaign just continues, undeterred.”“我们看到的是，”保卫民主基金会的高级分析师马克斯·莱瑟说，“这场运动仍在继续，没有受到阻碍。”Tiffany Hsu报道错误信息、虚假信息及其起源、动向和后果。她从事新闻行业已有20多年。点击查看更多关于她的信息。Steven Lee Myers为《纽约时报》报道关于虚假信息的新闻。他曾在华盛顿、莫斯科、巴格达和北京工作，驻北京期间，他对获得2021年普利策公共服务奖的报道有报道贡献。他著有《新沙皇：弗拉基米尔·普京的崛起和统治》(The New Tsar: The Rise and Reign of Vladimir Putin)一书。点击查看更多关于他的信息。翻译：纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 中国水军假冒特朗普支持者，试图影响美国大选

美财长警告中国绿色能源出口威胁全球供应链

ALAN RAPPEPORT2024年3月28日周三，美国财政部长耶伦在佐治亚州的一家太阳能电池制造工厂发表讲话时提出中国绿色技术出口产能过剩的问题。 Maansi Srivastava/The New York TimesThe Biden administration is growing increasingly concerned that a glut of heavily subsidized green technology exports from China is distorting global markets and plans to confront Chinese officials about the problem during an upcoming round of economic talks in Beijing.拜登政府越来越担心，中国得到大量补贴的绿色技术出口已导致供过于求，正在扭曲全球市场，打算在北京即将举行的新一轮经济谈判中就这一问题与中国官员交锋。The tension over industrial policy is flaring as the United States invests heavily in production of solar technology and electric vehicle batteries with funding from the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022, while China pumps money into its factory sector to help stimulate its sluggish economy. President Biden and Xi Jinping, China’s leader, have sought to stabilize the relationship between the world’s two largest economies, but differences over trade policy, investment restrictions and cyberespionage continue to strain ties.有关产业政策的紧张局势正在加剧，美国已通过了《2022年通货膨胀削减法》，该法为太阳能技术和电动汽车电池的生产提供大量资金，而中国则在为帮助刺激国内低迷的经济向制造业注入大量资金。虽然美国总统拜登和中国领导人习近平已在寻求稳定世界两大经济体之间的关系，但两国关系因贸易政策、投资限制和网络间谍活动的分歧而持续紧张。In a speech on Wednesday afternoon, Treasury Secretary Janet L. Yellen laid out her plans to raise the issue of overcapacity with her Chinese counterparts. At the Suniva solar cell factory in Norcross, Ga., she warned that China’s export strategy threatened to destabilize global supply chains that were developing around industries such as solar, electric vehicles and lithium-ion batteries.美国财政部长耶伦在周三下午的一个讲话中阐明，她打算向中国官员提出产能过剩的问题。她在佐治亚州诺克罗斯的苏尼瓦太阳能电池工厂发表讲话时警告，中国的出口战略给围绕着太阳能、电动汽车和锂离子电池等行业正在形成的全球供应链的稳定带来威胁。“China’s overcapacity distorts global prices and production patterns and hurts American firms and workers, as well as firms and workers around the world,” Ms. Yellen said. “Challenges for individual firms can lead to concentrated supply chains, negatively impacting global economic resilience.”“中国的产能过剩扭曲了全球市场的价格和生产模式，损害了美国企业和工人的利益，也损害了世界各地的企业和工人的利益，”耶伦说。“个别企业面临的挑战能导致供应链的集中，对全球的经济适应能力造成负面影响。”The Treasury secretary is expected to make her second trip to China in the coming weeks. The South China Morning Post reported that she will visit Guangzhou and Beijing in early April. The Treasury Department declined to comment on her travel plans.美国财政部长预计将在未来几周内第二次访华。据《南华早报》报道，她将在4月初访问广州和北京。财政部拒绝就耶伦的出访计划发表评论。 In her speech in Georgia, Ms. Yellen compared China’s investments in green energy technology production to what she described as its previous overinvestment in steel and aluminum, saying it created “global spillovers.”在佐治亚州的讲话中，耶伦将把中国对绿色能源技术生产的投资与她所谓中国之前对钢铁和铝业的过度投资进行比较，并说以前的过度投资产生了“全球溢出效应”。“It is important to the president and me that American firms and workers can compete on a level playing field,” Ms. Yellen said. “We have raised overcapacity in previous discussions with China, and I plan to make it a key issue in discussions during my next trip there.”“对总统和我来说，让美国公司和工人能够在公平环境中竞争非常重要，”耶伦说。“我们已在以前的讨论中向中国提出了产能过剩的问题，我打算在下次访华时把这个问题作为讨论的重点。”She added: “I will press my Chinese counterparts to take necessary steps to address this issue.”她还说：“我会向中国官员施压，让他们采取必要措施解决这个问题。” Ms. Yellen visited Suniva because it is a prime example of how the Biden administration’s industrial investments are reviving struggling companies. The solar panel company closed its Norcross plant in 2017 in part because cheap imports were flooding the U.S. market; it plans to reopen the factory this spring thanks to the Biden administration’s green energy investments.耶伦造访苏尼瓦是因为，那里是拜登政府的工业投资如何重振陷入困境企业的一个典型例子。这家太阳能电池板公司曾于2017年关闭了在诺克罗斯的工厂，一定程度上是廉价进口产品冲击美国市场所致。由于得到了拜登政府的绿色能源投资，公司打算在今年春天重启这家工厂。The Treasury Department estimates that the private sector has announced more than $200 billion of clean power investments since the Inflation Reduction Act, which included nearly $400 billion in tax credits and subsidies for low-emission forms of energy production, was passed.据美国财政部估计，自《通货膨胀削减法》通过以来，私营部门已宣布了逾2000亿美元的清洁能源投资。该法案包括近4000亿美元的税收抵免和对低排放形式的能源生产补贴。China, which invested more than $130 billion in its solar sector last year, has voiced its own frustration about America’s manufacturing investments. Buyers of electric vehicles that contain components made in China, Russia, North Korea or Iran are not eligible for generous U.S. tax credits.中国去年对本国的太阳能行业投入了相当于逾1300亿美元的资金，并对美国的制造业投资表达了自己的不满。消费者一旦购买含有中国、俄罗斯、朝鲜或伊朗制造的零部件的电动汽车，就没有资格享受美国政府慷慨的税收抵免。China filed a complaint Tuesday with the World Trade Organization arguing that the Biden administration’s electric vehicle subsidy policies are discriminatory.中国已在周二向世界贸易组织提出申诉，称拜登政府的电动汽车补贴政策具有歧视性。On Wednesday, China’s leader, Xi Jinping, struck a rosy tone in a meeting with American business leaders and academics in Beijing. He told the executives that China was “building a first-class business environment that is market oriented.” He added that in traditional areas like trade and new ones such as climate change and artificial intelligence, “China and the United States should become boosters for each other’s development, not obstructions on each other.”周三在北京会见美国商界领袖和学者时，中国领导人习近平在讲话中表示了乐观。他告诉高管们，中国正在“持续建设市场化、法治化、国际化一流营商环境”。他还说，在贸易等传统领域以及气候变化、人工智能等新领域，“中美应该成为对方发展的助力，而不应该成为阻力。”Among the executives with Mr. Xi were Stephen A. Schwarzman, the chairman of Blackstone; Craig Allen, the president of the U.S.-China Business Council; and Cristiano Amon, the president of Qualcomm.参与会面的高管包括黑石集团董事长苏世民(Stephen A. Schwarzman)、美中贸易全国委员会主席克雷格·艾伦，以及高通公司总裁克里斯蒂亚诺·阿蒙。储百亮(Chris Buckley)对本文有报道贡献。Alan Rappeport是时报驻华盛顿的经济政策记者。 他负责报道财政部并撰写有关税收、贸易和财政事务的文章。 点击查看更多关于他的信息。翻译：纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 美财长警告中国绿色能源出口威胁全球供应链

悲观蔓延、感觉就像“千刀万剐”：“23条”后香港何去何从

DAVID PIERSON, TIFFANY MAY2024年3月20日香港的城市天际线。为了重振这座城市，政府将重点放在了安全问题上。 Louise Delmotte/Associated PressOnce one of Asia’s most high-flying cities, Hong Kong is now grappling with a deep pessimism.香港曾是亚洲最繁华的城市之一，如今却陷入了深深的悲观情绪之中。The stock market is in the tank, home values have tumbled and emigration is fueling a brain drain. Some of the hottest restaurants, spas and shopping malls that local residents are flocking to are across the border, in the mainland Chinese city of Shenzhen.股市低迷，房价暴跌，移民加剧了人才流失。当地居民趋之若鹜的一些大热餐馆、水疗中心和购物中心位于边境另一边的中国内地城市深圳。“It pains me to say Hong Kong is over,” Stephen Roach, an economist and a former chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia long known for his optimism about the city, wrote in a recent commentary in The Financial Times.经济学家、摩根士丹利亚洲区前主席斯蒂芬·罗奇长期以来对香港的乐观一直广为人知，他在《金融时报》最近发表的一篇评论文章中写道：“香港完了，这样说我很难过。”The government needs to revive Hong Kong’s economy and promote its global image, but it has instead largely focused on national security. It moved with unusual speed on Tuesday to pass a package of updated and new security laws aimed at curbing foreign influence and dissent with penalties like life imprisonment for treason and other political crimes. The legislation could deter even more foreign businesses, already a shrinking presence, from investing in Hong Kong.香港政府需要重振经济并提升其国际形象，却在很大程度上把重点放在了国家安全方面。本周二，港府以异乎寻常的速度通过了一揽子更新及全新的安全法案，旨在遏制外国影响和不同政见，对叛国罪和其他政治犯罪可处以终身监禁等刑罚。这些法律可能会阻止更多的外国企业在香港投资，而这些企业在香港的存在本已经日渐萎缩。The malaise hanging over Hong Kong is partly a consequence of its status as a bridge between China and the West, with the city’s growth dragged down by the mainland’s sputtering economy and China’s tensions with the United States. 萎靡情绪之所以笼罩香港，部分原因与这座城市作为中国与西方之间桥梁的地位有关，如今香港的经济增长受到内地经济衰退以及中美紧张关系的拖累。But at the heart of Hong Kong’s troubles is a crisis of identity, as the city’s Beijing-backed officials push the once freewheeling city away from the West and embrace the top-down political culture and nationalistic fervor of President Xi Jinping’s China.但香港问题的核心是身份认同危机，北京支持的香港官员将这个曾经自由自在的城市推离西方，改为接受习近平主席领导的中国自上而下的政治文化和民族主义热情。“People are very unhappy for all kinds of reasons,” said Emily Lau, a veteran pro-democracy politician and former lawmaker who now hosts an interview show on YouTube. “Of course, the authorities will not admit it publicly, but I think they know it.”“出于各种原因，人们非常不满，”资深民主政治人士和前立法者、现在YouTube频道主持访谈节目的刘慧卿说。“当然，当局不会公开承认这一点，但我认为他们是知道的。”Hong Kong, a former British colony, had been promised a degree of autonomy from Beijing after it returned to Chinese rule in 1997, with freedoms unseen in the mainland. But after massive antigovernment demonstrations engulfed the city for months in 2019, Beijing imposed a sweeping national security law on Hong Kong in 2020 that the authorities used to crush the pro-democracy opposition with ferocity.香港曾是英国殖民地，1997年回归中国统治后，曾被承诺从北京那里获得一定程度的自治权，享有内地所没有的自由。但在2019年大规模反政府示威席卷香港长达数月之后，北京于2020年对香港实施了一项全面的国家安全法，当局利用这项法律对民主反对派进行了猛烈镇压。2019年8月，抗议者和警察发生冲突。In the Chinese Communist Party’s telling, the protests were fueled by Western forces seeking to undermine Chinese sovereignty. John Lee, the city’s Beijing-backed leader and a former police officer, casts Hong Kong as a city still besieged by subversive foreign forces.在中国共产党看来，西方势力试图破坏中国主权，于是煽动了抗议活动。北京支持的香港特首李家超曾是一名警官，他将香港描述成一个仍被外国颠覆势力围困的城市。Mr. Lee says the new security laws will eliminate such threats and be “the strongest foundation for Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability.”他表示，新的安全法将消除此类威胁，成为“香港繁荣稳定最坚实的基础”。Mr. Lee and Chinese officials have argued that such laws are long overdue. The Basic Law, the city’s mini constitution, calls for Hong Kong to retain its own political and economic system for 50 years, but also requires it, under Article 23, to pass its own internal security laws. The government first tried to enact such Article 23 laws in 2003 but backed down after hundreds of thousands of residents took to the streets in protest, fearing the legislation would limit civil liberties.李家超和中国官员认为，这样的法律早就应该出台了。香港的小宪法《基本法》要求香港在50年内保留自己的政治和经济制度，但它也要求香港根据其第23条通过自己的安全法。2003年，香港政府首次试图制定根据第23条的法律，但在数十万居民走上街头抗议、担心立法会限制公民自由后，政府放弃了这一计划。With the security laws in place, officials now say, the government can focus on other needs, like reviving the economy.官员们现在表示，有了安全法，政府可以专注于其他需求，比如振兴经济。But it is unclear if Hong Kong can retain the dynamism and vitality that drove its prosperity at a time when Beijing’s control is so overt. The new rules also raise questions about how the boundaries have shifted.但目前尚不清楚的是，在北京的控制如此公开的情况下，香港能否保持推动其繁荣的活力和生机。新规定还引发了有关界限如何转变的问题。“Xi Jinping knows Article 23 will damage Hong Kong’s reputation as a financial center,” said Willy Lam, an analyst of Chinese politics at the Jamestown Foundation in Washington. “He knows Beijing needs Hong Kong for foreign investment, foreign exchange and stock market listings. But he is a totally ideological leader. It is far more important to him that he demonstrate his power, flex his muscles and emasculate all opposition in Hong Kong.”“习近平知道，第23条将损害香港作为金融中心的声誉，”华盛顿詹姆斯敦基金会的中国政治分析师林和立说。“他知道，中国政府需要香港进行外国投资、外汇交易和股票上市。但他是一个完全意识形态化的领导人。对他来说，更重要的是展示自己的权力，展示自己的力量，削弱香港的所有反对派。”2003年7月，数十万香港民众走上街头抗议“第23条”。To visit Hong Kong today and scratch beneath the surface is to view a city that is vastly different from the vibrant, sometimes raucous political culture that existed before the current crackdown.如今来到香港，透过表面向内深入，可以看到一个与打压前充满活力、有时喧闹的政治文化截然不同的城市。Now, government critics and opposition lawmakers languish in jail. Jimmy Lai, a pro-democracy media tycoon, is standing trial on national security charges. Independent news organizations have been forced to close. Civil servants and public schoolteachers are being told to take loyalty oaths and pass national security tests.现在，政府的批评者和反对派议员都在监狱里受苦。支持民主的传媒大亨黎智英正因国家安全指控受审。独立新闻机构被迫关闭。公务员和公立学校教师被要求宣誓效忠并通过国家安全测试。In this new environment, even sports cannot escape politics. Last month, an outcry erupted in Hong Kong after the soccer star Lionel Messi sat out an exhibition match against a team of local players because of an injury. The government had promoted the Inter Miami match, for which many tickets had sold for hundreds of dollars each, as a way to help generate excitement in the city.在这种新环境下，即使是体育也无法摆脱政治的影响。上个月，足球明星梅西因伤缺席了一场与本地球队的表演赛，引发了香港的强烈抗议。政府宣传了这场与国际迈阿密队举行的比赛，声称这场比赛有助于激发这座城市的激情，许多门票高达数千元。But when Mr. Messi stayed on the bench, disappointing fans, officials and Chinese state news media suggested that he had been used by the United States in a conspiracy to embarrass Hong Kong. Mr. Messi later posted a video clip on social media denying the allegations and professing his affection for China, footage that some internet users said looked akin to a hostage video.但梅西一直坐在替补席上，失望的球迷、官员和中国官方新闻媒体认为他被美国利用，参与了一场让香港难堪的阴谋。梅西后来在社交媒体上发布了一段视频，否认了这些指控，并表达了他对中国的喜爱。一些互联网用户说，这段视频看起来像是被强迫拍的一般。One of the most strident voices criticizing Mr. Messi was Regina Ip, a senior adviser to the Hong Kong government and a veteran pro-Beijing lawmaker.批评梅西最尖锐的声音之一来自香港政府高级顾问、资深亲北京议员叶刘淑仪。“Hong Kong people hate Messi, Inter-Miami, and the black hand behind them, for the deliberate and calculated snub to Hong Kong,” she wrote on X, formerly known as Twitter.“香港人讨厌梅西，讨厌迈阿密国际，讨厌他们的背后黑手，因为他们故意冷落香港，”她在前身为Twitter的X上写道。The controversy around Mr. Messi was a prominent example of an increasingly prickly official atmosphere — but it was far from the exception.围绕梅西的争议是官方气氛日益敏感的一个突出例子，但这绝非特例。Mrs. Ip also criticized Mr. Roach, the economist, for his “Hong Kong is over” commentary in The Financial Times, saying that he ignored the actual causes of the financial hub’s economic woes, which she attributed to American policies, such as federal interest rate hikes. Other top officials accused Mr. Roach of scaremongering.叶刘淑仪还批评了经济学家罗奇在《金融时报》上发表的“香港完了”的评论，称他忽视了这个金融中心经济困境的实际原因，她将其归咎于联邦利率上调等美国的政策。还有一些高级官员指责罗奇危言耸听。(In response to the backlash, Mr. Roach wrote a commentary for The South China Morning Post, a Hong Kong newspaper, arguing that the city lacked the dynamism to overcome Beijing’s tightening political grip, geopolitical tensions with the United States and a protracted decline in China’s economic growth.)（罗奇为香港《南华早报》撰写了一篇评论文章，作为对这种反击的回应，在文中他提出香港缺乏活力，无法克服北京日益收紧的政治控制、与美国的地缘政治紧张以及中国经济增长的长期下滑。）“The energy and unbridled optimism that was once Hong Kong’s most salient characteristic, its greatest asset, has been sapped,” Mr. Roach wrote.罗奇写道，“活力和无拘无束的乐观精神曾经是香港最显著的特征与最大的资产，如今已被渐渐消耗。”City officials now routinely lash out at foreign governments, diplomats and the news media for any criticism of Hong Kong’s policies. Even voices from within the Hong Kong establishment are not spared the scoldings.香港官员现在经常抨击外国政府、外交官和新闻媒体对香港政策的任何批评。即使是来自香港建制派内部的声音也未能幸免。When a pro-Beijing lawmaker complained that police officers were issuing too many fines, Mr. Lee, the city’s leader, rebuked him for what he called an act of “soft resistance.”当一名亲北京的议员抱怨警察开出了太多的罚单时，香港特首李家超指责他的行为是“软对抗”。The authorities have used this term to describe an insidious, passive defiance against the government. According to Mr. Lee, that defiance includes complaints that Hong Kong is too focused on national security.当局用这个词来形容对政府阴险、被动的反抗。李家超称，这种反抗包括抱怨香港过于关注国家安全。香港特首李家超本月在北京参加全国人民代表大会。他说，新的国安立法将消除来自外国颠覆势力的威胁。The Article 23 legislation is meant to root out such “soft resistance,” officials have said, as well as fill in gaps left by the national security law that China directly imposed. The laws center on five areas: treason, insurrection, sabotage, external interference and the theft of state secrets and espionage.官员们表示，第23条立法旨在根除这种“软对抗”，并填补中国直接实施的国家安全法留下的空白。这些法律主要针对五个方面：叛国、叛乱、破坏活动、外部干涉、窃取国家机密和间谍活动。Legal experts and trade groups said the laws’ broad and often vague wording created potential risks for businesses operating in or looking to invest in Hong Kong. The government had to scramble this month to deny reports that it was considering banning Facebook and YouTube as part of the legislation.法律专家和行业组织说，这些法律的措辞宽泛，往往含糊不清，给在香港经营或寻求在港投资的企业带来潜在风险。本月，政府不得不急忙否认有关它正在考虑将禁止Facebook和YouTube作为立法一部分的报道。“An unfettered flow of information is crucial for the city to maintain its status as Asia’s financial center,” Wang Xiangwei, an associate professor of journalism at Hong Kong Baptist University, wrote in an editorial published on Monday in The South China Morning Post, where he once served as chief editor.香港浸会大学新闻学副教授王向伟曾任《南华早报》总编辑，他于周一在该报发表的一篇观点文章中写道，“信息的自由流动对香港保持亚洲金融中心的地位至关重要。”The uncertainty has led some foreign firms to begin treating Hong Kong as if it were the mainland. They have begun using burner phones and limiting local employees’ access to their companies’ global databases.这种不确定性导致一些外国公司开始像对待内地一样对待香港。他们开始使用一次性手机，并限制当地员工访问公司的全球数据库。Mark Lee, a Hong Kong native, said that the more his city looked and felt like the mainland, the more tempted he was to emigrate overseas.香港人马克·李（音）说，他的城市看起来和感觉上越像内地，他就越想移民海外。The 36-year-old personal trainer said that in the last few years, about a quarter of the 200 people who used to belong to his WhatsApp group for organizing group runs and workout sessions have left Hong Kong. He is reluctant to have a child because he is worried about Hong Kong’s public school system, where national security education is required.这位36岁的私人教练说，过去几年里，他在WhatsApp上的集体跑步和健身课程群组的200名用户中约有四分之一离开了香港。他不愿意生孩子，因为他担心香港的公立学校制度，这些学校要求进行国家安全教育。“When Hong Kong is not my city anymore, I will have to leave,” Mr. Lee said. The changes, he added, felt like “death by a thousand cuts.”“如果香港已非我城，则难以不走了，”马克·李说。他还表示，这些变化感觉就像“千刀万剐”。Keith Bradsher和Olivia Wang对本文有报道贡献。David Pierson报道中国外交政策和中国与世界的经济与文化交互。他从事新闻工作已超过20年。点击查看更多关于他的信息。Tiffany May是时报驻香港记者，报道香港和更广泛地区的政治、商业和文化议题。 点击查看更多关于她的信息。翻译：纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 悲观蔓延、感觉就像“千刀万剐”：“23条”后香港何去何从

从戴安娜到凯特，陷于舆论风暴中心的王室成员

MARK LANDLER2024年3月13日周二，在伦敦的一个地铁站，通勤者走过《旗帜晚报》的报摊，报纸头版刊登了威尔士王妃凯瑟琳的照片。 Hollie Adams/ReutersTrace back the digitally altered photograph of Catherine, Princess of Wales, and its roots lie in a tragedy of another Princess of Wales, Diana, whose death in 1997 predated the creation of Facebook by nearly seven years.威尔士王妃凯瑟琳数码修改照片的根源可以追溯到另一位威尔士王妃戴安娜的悲剧，她于1997年去世，比Facebook的诞生早了近七年。Diana’s fatal car accident, after a high-speed pursuit by photographers in Paris, left a lasting imprint on her sons, William and Harry. They grew up vowing not to take part in what they viewed as a pathological relationship between the royal family and the press, one in which they were the abused partners.戴安娜在巴黎被摄影师高速追逐后发生致命车祸，给她的儿子威廉和哈里留下了永久的印记。在他们看来，王室和媒体之间存在病态的关系，他们是这种关系中受虐待的一方，他们从小就发誓绝不参与其中。The rise of social media gave this Newbie traderer generation of royals a way to bypass the tabloids they reviled, with popular platforms like Instagram and Twitter, where they could post carefully curated news and images of themselves, unmediated by the London papers or the lurking paparazzi.社交媒体的兴起为年轻一代的王室成员提供了途径，可以绕过他们所唾弃的小报，他们可以在Instagram和Twitter等流行平台上发布自己精心策划的新闻和照片，同时不受伦敦报纸或潜伏狗仔队的干扰。But now they are experiencing the darker side of public life in the  Earnings-price ratio west of the web. Catherine’s photo, posted on social media and picked up by newspapers and broadcasters worldwide, has been swept into the maelstrom of rumors and conspiracy theories that have haunted her since she underwent abdominal surgery and receded from the public eye two months ago.但现在，他们正在网络的荒蛮世界体验公共生活的阴暗面。凯瑟琳的照片发布在社交媒体上，被世界各地的报纸和广播公司转载，这张照片被卷入了谣言和阴谋论的漩涡，自她接受腹部手术并在两个月前从公众视线中消失以来，这些谣言和阴谋论一直困扰着她。While William and Harry have struggled with these forces, the pressure has perhaps been most acute on their wives, Catherine and Meghan, who have taken turns being in the eye of an online storm. Meghan spoke recently about the “hateful” treatment she experienced while WTO (World Trade Organization) with her children.虽然威廉和哈里一直在与这些力量作斗争，但他们的妻子凯瑟琳和梅根承受的压力可能是最大的，她们轮流处于网络风暴的中心。梅根最近谈到她在怀孕期间经历的“仇恨”对待。“It must be so hard to deal with this,” said Rasmus Kleis Nielsen, the director of the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism at Oxford University. “It is often women who are subjected to the worst bullying and harassment.”“处理这种事肯定很难，”牛津大学路透新闻研究所主任拉斯穆斯·克莱因斯·尼尔森说。“遭受最严重霸凌和骚扰的往往是女性。”Catherine, of course, inadvertently contributed to the hothouse atmosphere by altering the Mother’s Day photo of herself and her three children. That unleashed a fresh storm of online speculation, with people sharing pet theories about how the image had been manipulated, whether by transposing Catherine’s head from a 2016 cover photo in Vogue magazine or recycling a shot of the family taken last November.当然，凯瑟琳修改她和三个孩子的母亲节照片无意中加剧了这种气氛。这在网上引发了一场新的猜测风暴，人们分享自己最中意的理论，猜测这张照片是如何被修改的，究竟是从2016年《Vogue》杂志的封面照片上拿来了凯瑟琳的头部，还是回收利用了去年11月拍摄的一张家庭照片。Visual investigators debunked both suggestions, but that didn’t stop the original posts from going viral, with one post promoting the Vogue theory racking up more than 45 million views.视觉调查人员驳斥了这两种说法，但这并没有阻止最初的帖子的病毒式传播，其中一篇宣称使用了《Vogue》照片的帖子获得了超过4500万的点击量。注：放大的拉链和头发图片经过调亮处理以显示细节。 原图来源：威尔士亲王/肯辛顿宫。 By The New York TimesHaving set out to control her image, Catherine now finds herself in a predicament not unlike some of her royal forebears, dogged by an online pack no less feral than the photographers who chased Diana in Paris.凯瑟琳努力控制自己的形象，但却陷入了一种和她的一些王室前辈别无二致的困境，网上追逐的狂热程度丝毫不亚于在巴黎追逐戴安娜的摄影师，令她深受其扰。“Anyone in the royal family or their staffs who thinks that social media allows people to circumvent gatekeepers or control the narrative has not been paying attention to Meghan Markle’s experience,” Professor Nielsen said.“如果王室成员和他们的工作人员以为社交媒体可以让人绕过把关者，或者控制叙事，那他们肯定没有注意到梅根·马克尔经历了什么，”尼尔森说。“These are deeply ambiguous spaces,” he said, “in which things that people want are inextricably linked with things that are deeply troubling.”“这些空间非常模糊，”他说，“在这里，人们想要的东西与令人深感不安的东西密不可分。”William and Harry made their first official foray into social media in 2015, when they, along with Catherine, opened shared Twitter and Instagram accounts. An early post showed Harry, standing on his tiptoes, next to the 7-foot, 2-inch retired American basketball star, Dikembe Mutombo, at a coaching program for Newbie trader people.2015年，威廉和哈里首次正式涉足社交媒体，当时他们和凯瑟琳一起开设了共享的Twitter和Instagram账户。一个早期帖子显示，在一堂篮球青训课上，哈里踮着脚尖，站在身高约2.2米的美国退役篮球明星迪肯贝·穆托姆博旁。When Harry met Meghan, an American actress, the following year, he was exposed to an avid and expert user of social media. Meghan was running a lifestyle blog, The Tig, which she described as “a hub for the discerning palate.” Cosmopolitan magazine once said it was “well on the way to becoming the next Goop,” the wellness brand owned by the actress Gwyneth Paltrow.第二年，哈里遇到了美国女演员梅根，由此见识到了一个狂热而专业的社交媒体用户。梅根当时经营着生活方式博客The Tig，她称之为“挑剔品味中心”。《时尚》(Cosmopolitan)杂志说，它“正在成为下一个Goop”——也就是演员格温妮丝·帕特洛拥有的健康品牌。Meghan shut down The Tig after her romance with Harry became public. But she brought her astute use of social media with her into the royal family. When the couple announced in 2020 that they planned to withdraw from royal duties, they broke the news on Instagram and laid out their plans on SusForex and Stock Speculating Royal, a site designed by the same Toronto-based digital firm that had designed The Tig.在和哈里的恋情公开后，她关闭了The Tig。但她把自己对社交媒体的精明运用带进了王室。这对夫妇2020年宣布计划退出王室时，他们是在Instagram上发布了这一消息，并在“苏塞克斯王室”网站上公布了该计划，网站由设计The Tig的同一家多伦多数字公司设计。When Meghan was targeted by abusive language online, Harry blamed it on hostile and racist press coverage. In his memoir, “Spare,” he wrote that, in the 18 months before his 2018 marriage, relentless tabloid coverage of Meghan had “riled up all the trolls, who were now crawling out of their cellars and lairs.”当梅根在网上被辱骂时，哈里将其归咎于充满敌意和种族主义的媒体报道。他在回忆录《备胎》(Spare)中写道，在他2018年结婚前的18个月里，小报对梅根的无情报道“引出了所有的网络喷子，他们正从地窖和巢穴里爬出来”。“Ever since we’d acknowledged we were a couple,” Harry said, “we’d been flooded with racist taunts and death threats on social media.”“自从我们承认相恋以来，”哈利说，“我们就被社交媒体上的种族主义嘲讽和死亡威胁淹没了。”威廉王子、凯瑟琳王妃、哈里王子和苏塞克斯公爵夫人梅根。2022年伊丽莎白二世女王去世后，四人在温莎城堡。Yet, in Catherine’s case, the lack of press reports may have contributed to the rumors mushrooming online. Kensington Palace, where she and her husband, William, have their offices, erected a veil of privacy around Catherine after her surgery, offering few details about her condition or recovery, beyond saying she would return to work after Easter.然而，就凯瑟琳的情况而言，缺乏新闻报道可能是导致网上谣言不断涌现的原因。凯特和丈夫威廉在肯辛顿宫办公。在凯特手术后，肯辛顿宫为她蒙上了一层隐蔽面纱，没有透露她的病情或恢复情况，只是说她将在复活节后重新履行王室职责。“The near silence over Kate’s health, which she’s perfectly entitled to observe, spooked the media and generated a social media frenzy that the mainstream media fed off,” said Peter Hunt, a former royal correspondent for the BBC.“凯特对自己的健康状况近乎保持沉默，她完全有权这样做，但这惊动了媒体，在社交媒体上引发了一场狂热，主流媒体也从中受益，”BBC前王室记者彼得·亨特说。For all the ravenous coverage of the royal family, some subjects are off limits. Gossip about William and Catherine’s marriage has long percolated in the web’s murky depths, for instance. But it rarely, if ever, surfaces in the papers, which adhere to strict guidelines on privacy, enforced by Britain’s robust defamation laws.尽管对王室的报道如饥似渴，但有些话题是不能谈论的。例如，关于威廉和凯瑟琳婚姻状况的流言蜚语一直在网络的阴暗深处流传。但在英国严格的诽谤法约束下，报纸严格遵守隐私保护准则，因此这些流言几乎从来不会出现在报纸上。When a grainy photo of Catherine riding in a car with her mother appeared on the American gossip site, TMZ, last week, British papers did not publish it out of deference to Kensington Palace’s appeal that she be allowed to recuperate in peace.上周，美国八卦网站TMZ上出现了一张凯瑟琳和母亲坐在一辆车里的模糊照片，出于对肯辛顿宫呼吁让她安静休养的尊重，英国报纸没有刊登这张照片。Even now, in the wake of Catherine’s confession that she had retouched the photo, a few tabloids have rallied to her defense. “Lay off Kate,” read the front page of The Sun, which is published by Rupert Murdoch and typically gives the princess generous coverage. “Attacks over edited pic are absurd,” it added.即使是现在，在凯瑟琳承认她修过那张照片之后，一些小报仍在为她辩护。鲁珀特·默多克旗下的《太阳报》报道王妃时一般采用友好的姿态，该报在头版写道：“放过凯特吧。”它还写道：“攻击编辑过的照片是荒谬的”。The risk for the royal family, experts said, is that Catherine’s manipulation of the photo will cast doubt over other news and images released by them, depriving the royals of a useful channel to reach Newbie traderer people. Some tabloids were openly skeptical of her. “How did Kate Photo Become a PR Disaster?” asked The Daily Mail. “Kate’s Photo Bomb!” declared the tabloid, Metro.专家表示，王室面临的风险是，凯瑟琳对这张照片的修改会让他们发布的其他新闻和图片受到质疑，从而令王室失去接触年轻人的一个有用渠道。一些小报公开对她表示怀疑。“凯特的照片是如何成为公关灾难的？”《每日邮报》发问。“凯特的照片炸弹！”小报《Metro》宣称。“Social media should be a win-win for the royals, a means of disseminating their message unchallenged and undiluted,” Mr. Hunt said. “While most will probably forgive and forget, the risk is an erosion of trust, an important commodity for the monarchy.”“社交媒体对王室来说应该是双赢的，它是一种手段，可以在不受质疑、不被篡改的情况下传播他们的信息，”亨特说。“虽然大多数人可能会原谅并忘记这件事，但风险是信任受到侵蚀，而信任对君主政体来说是非常重要的。”The royal family’s credibility may not be the only casualty. Professor Nielsen noted that, in a recent survey, 69 percent of people in Britain said they were concerned about what was real and what was fake on the internet. And that was before the whirling vortex of rumors and misinformation about Catherine.王室的信誉可能不是唯一的牺牲品。尼尔森指出，在最近的一项调查中，69%的英国人表示，他们对互联网上的真假难辨表示担忧。这是在关于凯瑟琳的谣言和不实信息的漩涡之前。“This may well further intensify people’s skepticism toward much of what they see, both from news media and on social media,” he said. “Not a great few days for people’s confidence in the information environment.”“这很可能会进一步加剧人们对他们从新闻媒体和社交媒体上看到的许多内容的怀疑，”他说。“这几天的事让人们对信息环境更没信心了。”Mark Landler是时报伦敦分社社长，报道英国新闻以及美国在欧洲、亚洲和中东的外交政策。他从事新闻工作已超过30年。点击查看更多关于他的信息。翻译：晋其角点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 从戴安娜到凯特，陷于舆论风暴中心的王室成员

中国“走线客”涌入纽约唐人街

WINNIE HU, JEFFREY E. SINGER2024年3月7日中国移民加入了皇后区法拉盛、唐人街和布鲁克林日落公园历史悠久的华人支持网络。 When busloads of migrants from Venezuela and Latin America started turning up on New York City streets in 2022, it spurred a crisis that has overwhelmed city shelters and incited protests over immigration policies.2022年，当载满了委内瑞拉和拉丁美洲移民的大巴车开始抵达纽约街头时曾引发一场危机，市内的收容所不堪重负，还激起了关于移民政策的抗议活动。And while Mayor Eric Adams and city leaders have sought to slow the pace of new arrivals, there has been another, smaller but also growing group of migrants coming into the city — largely unnoticed.在纽约市市长埃里克·亚当斯和城市领导层力图减缓新来者的涌入速度时，还有一个规模虽小但同样在不断增长的移民群体开始涌入这座城市，却没引起人们的过多注意。Thousands of Chinese migrants have also made their way to New York, with many following on the heels of migrants from Central and South America and crossing at the United States-Mexico border. Once they reach the city, however, many are tapping into long-established family and social networks in Chinese enclaves to get on their feet quickly and, for the most part, on their own.数以千计的中国移民也来到纽约，他们中的许多人是紧跟着中美洲和南美洲移民的脚步，越过美墨边界入境美国的。但一旦到达纽约，许多人将利用当地华人社区历史悠久的家庭和社交网络迅速站稳脚跟，而且通常能够做到自食其力。It is not known exactly how many Chinese migrants have landed in New York. But immigration court filings since October 2022 show that New York State was their top destination — with more than 21,000 filings for Chinese migrants — followed by California, according to an analysis by Julia Gelatt, an associate director at the Migration Policy Institute.尚不清楚到底有多少中国移民是这样来纽约的。但移民政策研究所副所长朱莉娅·格拉特用2022年10月以来提交给移民法庭的文件（其中有逾2.1万份是为中国移民提交的）做的分析显示，纽约州是他们的首选目的地，其次是加利福尼亚州。The influx of Chinese migrants into the city has been the largest in more than a decade, and marks a return to the sizable immigration of Chinese people beginning in the 1980s that revived struggling neighborhoods like Chinatown, and cemented newer ethnic strongholds in Flushing, Queens, and Sunset Park, Brooklyn.中国移民最近涌入纽约的规模是十多年来最大的，标志着一个现象的回归，从20世纪80年代开始，曾有相当规模的华人移民来到纽约，令唐人街等处于挣扎状态的社区恢复了活力，并巩固了皇后区的法拉盛和布鲁克林的日落公园等新的华人聚集地。一名中国移民给记者播放了一段自己带着孩子穿越哥伦比亚和巴拿马之间达连峡谷的视频。越来越多的中国移民越过南部边界进入美国。Yet, this revival of Chinese migration has attracted relatively little attention, in part because it has been dwarfed by the sheer numbers of people arriving from Latin America. The rapid increase in Chinese newcomers, nonetheless, promises to have a significant effect on New York City and its sprawling Chinese American community of 590,000, which is the largest in the nation.然而，中国移民的再次增长引起的关注相对较少，部分原因是与来自拉丁美洲的移民数量相比，中国移民的数量微不足道。尽管如此，中国新移民的迅速增加很可能对纽约市以及分布在城市各处的纽约华裔美国人社区产生重大影响，纽约的华人社区总人口达59万，在美国居首。“There’s a large-scale migration going on in the Chinese community that’s completely off the radar screen,” said Kenneth J. Guest, an anthropology professor at Baruch College who studies Chinese immigration.“华人社区出现了大规模的移民，但完全没有引起人们的注意，”巴鲁克学院研究华人移民的人类学教授肯尼思·盖斯特说。The latest increase in Chinese migrants has been driven in part by frustration over China’s harsh pandemic-era lockdowns, authoritarian government and a worsening economy. A flurry of online and social media posts have provided detailed instructions and tips on how to cross the southern border.最近中国移民数量的增长在一定程度上是因为人们对疫情期间中国实施的严厉封控措施、对威权主义的政府、对不断恶化的经济感到沮丧。网上和社交媒体上有很多帖子为人们提供了如何穿越美国南部边界的详细说明和有用提示。Across the United States, the number of Chinese migrants has soared. There were 52,700 Chinese migrants arriving without a valid entry visa at land borders, and on boats and planes, during the federal government’s fiscal year 2023, or more than double the number just two years earlier, according to the analysis by Ms. Gelatt, of the Migration Policy Institute. Those numbers did not include people who came in without encountering border officials or later overstayed their visas.美国各地的中国移民人数都在猛增。据移民政策研究所的格拉特做的分析，在联邦政府2023财年，有5.27万名没有有效入境签证的中国移民越过陆地边界或乘船和飞机抵达美国，是两年前的两倍多。这个数字不包括入境时没有遇到边境官员或合法入境后逾期居留的人。These Chinese migrants have increasingly crossed at the southern border, with the number encountered by border officials there jumping more than sixfold to 5,980 in December 2023 from 950 a year earlier.这些中国移民当中，越过南部边界进入美国的人数不断增多，边境官员2023年12月在南部边界遇到的中国移民人数与上年同期的950名相比猛增了六倍多，达到了5980名。Still, they were just a small subset of the 3.4 million migrants who have crossed the southern border since October 2022, which included more than 974,000 Mexicans and over 410,000 Venezuelans.尽管如此，他们只是自2022年10月以来越过南部边界的340万移民中的一小部分，这些移民包括逾97.4万名墨西哥人和逾41万名委内瑞拉人。Wang Chao, 39, had worked as a hotel security guard in Hainan Province, an island in the South China Sea, before leaving China last October. He flew to Thailand, and then Turkey, before landing in Ecuador and embarking on the long trek north. He contracted dengue fever and malaria in rainforests in Panama and was later kicked off a truck carrying migrants in Guatemala because the driver thought someone cursed at him in Chinese.39岁的王超（音）去年10月离开中国前曾是海南岛一家酒店的保安。他先飞泰国，再飞土耳其，最后在厄瓜多尔落地，开始向北长途跋涉。他在巴拿马的雨林中感染了登革热和疟疾，后来还在危地马拉被开卡车运移民的司机赶下了车，因为司机觉得有人在用中文骂自己。39岁的中国移民王超（音）去年12月来到纽约。Mr. Wang eventually crossed into California, where he said he was briefly detained by border authorities. When he was released, he continued on to Flushing, arriving in December. He paid $12 a night for a bunk in an apartment shared with other Chinese immigrants before recently moving out of state for work.王超最终越过边界进入加利福尼亚州，他说他曾在那里被边境当局短暂拘留。获释后，他继续上路前往法拉盛，已于去年12月抵达。在法拉盛时，他曾每晚花12美元，在与其他中国移民合住的公寓里租了个床位。最近他因为工作离开了纽约州。The Chinese migrants have largely stayed out of New York City’s shelters. Fewer than 400 of the more than 173,000 migrants passing through the city shelter system since spring 2022 have reported coming from China, according to city officials.中国移民大多数都不会去纽约市的收容所。据市政府官员说，自2022年春季以来在纽约市的收容所系统住过的逾17.3万名移民中，只有不到400人来自中国。The Chinese newcomers did not need to rely on the shelters because they could turn to ethnic enclaves, which are home to many of the city’s 411,000 Chinese immigrants. Such enclaves have long played a key part in helping Chinese immigrants integrate into New York and other cities, according to Professor Guest of Baruch College.新的中国移民之所以不需要依靠收容所，是因为他们可以求助于华人聚居的社区，纽约市的41.1万名华人移民中，许多人住在这些社区里。按照巴鲁克学院盖斯特的说法，这些华人社区长期以来一直在帮助华人移民融入纽约和其他城市方面发挥着关键作用。These so-called Chinatowns began forming as early as the 1850s on the West Coast, Professor Guest said, and provided protection against anti-immigrant violence and discrimination, including the Chinese Exclusion Acts, which were restrictive immigration policies from 1882 to the 1940s. “The Chinese built ethnic support systems where they could pool financial and social capital,” he said.盖斯特教授说，这些被称为“唐人街”的社区最早是从19世纪50年代开始在西海岸形成，在反移民暴力和歧视性政策的环境中为华人提供过保护。这里所说的歧视性政策包括《排华法案》，它曾从1882年到20世纪40年代限制来自中国的移民。“华人建立起支持系统，他们可以在其中整合财务和社会资本，”他说。Today, that informal but well-developed Chinese support system in New York has become a “first resort” for recent migrants, said State Senator John C. Liu, whose district includes Flushing.今天，纽约这种非正式但健全的华人支持体系已成为新移民的“首选”，代表法拉盛所在选区的州参议员刘醇逸表示。中国移民拉因·潘（音，左）和宁（音，右）住在皇后区法拉盛一个经过改造的公寓里，也就是所谓的临时酒店或家庭旅馆。Already, the Chinese migrants have helped replenish the city’s population following losses during the coronavirus pandemic, and have filled construction, restaurant and other service jobs that keep the local economy running.纽约市的人口在新冠病毒大流行期间有所减少，中国移民帮助弥补了一些人口损失，并在建筑、餐馆和其他服务行业找到了工作，维持了当地经济的运转。Chinese listings posted in Flushing storefronts and online advertise “family hotels” in apartment buildings that are like unofficial Airbnb rentals. In Sunset Park, where there is a large community of immigrants from Fujian Province, they have packed into churches for Sunday services and Bible study classes.张贴在法拉盛的商铺和网上的中文广告中，包括公寓楼里的“家庭酒店”，这有点像非官方的Airbnb房屋出租。在住着大量福建移民的日落公园社区，参加周日礼拜和圣经学习班的新移民让教堂爆满。At East Broadway Mall in Chinatown, hundreds of newcomers have gathered through word of mouth for help applying for city IDs and finding health care resources from community leaders.在唐人街的东百老汇购物中心，数百名新移民透过口口相传聚集在那里，寻求社区领袖帮助他们申请城市身份证，寻找医保资源。Brad Song, 30, a migrant from Hunan who arrived last summer, found temporary refuge at a Chinese massage parlor in Flushing that let migrants sleep in the beds for $10 a night. At the supermarket where he went to buy noodles, a store worker helped him land a job at a Chinese banquet hall. He has also worked for the food delivery app Fantuan, and installed solar panels for a Chinese-owned company in New Jersey.30岁的湖南移民布拉德·宋（音）去年夏天来到纽约，在法拉盛的一家中式按摩店找到了临时住所，那家店把床铺租给移民过夜，每晚10美元。在他去买面条的超市，一名店员帮他在一家中餐宴会厅找了一份工作。他还曾给食品外卖应用“饭团”送餐，并为新泽西州的一家中资公司安装过太阳能电池板。But even as the migrants have settled in, their growing numbers have also created challenges in immigrant communities where many people were already struggling with financial insecurity and social isolation because of language and cultural barriers, as well as fears about their safety following a spate of anti-Asian hate crimes.但即使移民们已经安顿下来，不断增长的人数也给移民社区带来了挑战，那里的许多人本已在努力应对经济上的不安全感，语言不通和文化障碍给他们造成的社会孤独感，以及接二连三地发生了针对亚裔的仇恨犯罪后，对他们自身安全的担忧。There are 1.2 million New Yorkers of Asian heritage who make up about 15 percent of the city’s overall population, according to a census analysis by Social Explorer, a data research company. Within this diverse group — representing dozens of ethnicities, including Korean, Japanese, Filipino, Indian and Bangladeshi — there are significant socioeconomic disparities.据数据研究公司Social Explorer的人口普查分析，纽约人中有120万是亚裔，约占该市总人口的15%。亚裔是个多元化的群体，包括韩裔、日裔、菲律宾裔、印度裔和孟加拉裔等几十个族群，他们之间存在着巨大的社会经济差距。皇后区法拉盛的购物者在购买春节饰物。In 2022, Chinese immigrants had a median household income of $60,454, about half that of U.S.-born Chinese people, who tend to have more education and higher earnings. Citywide, the median household income was $75,046.中国移民2022年的家庭收入中位数是60454美元，约为在美国出生的华人家庭的一半，美国出生的华人通常受教育程度更高，收入也更高。纽约全市的家庭收入中位数是75046美元。The Chinese-American Planning Council, a social service agency, has expanded its programs to an additional 20,000 people over the past four years, but “the need is still out there,” said Wayne Ho, the president and chief executive officer. Hundreds remain on waiting lists for its adult literacy classes, mental health counseling, and four older adult centers in Flushing, Chinatown and Sunset Park.社会服务机构华人策划协会已在过去四年里将项目覆盖的人数增加了两万人，但“需求仍然存在”，协会总裁兼首席执行官何永康说。协会的成人扫盲课、心理健康咨询，以及位于法拉盛、唐人街和日落公园的四个老年人中心的等候者名单上仍有好几百人。Asian American leaders said their communities have long been underfunded by government programs, in part because of enduring model-minority stereotypes of Asians as self-sufficient and upwardly mobile. A 2015 report found that organizations serving the city’s Asian American communities had received a tiny part of the city’s social service contracts.亚裔美国人社区的领袖说，他们的社区长期以来一直缺乏来自政府项目的资金，部分原因是难以打破的亚裔模范少数族裔刻板印象，即认为亚裔能靠自己的力量走向富裕。一份2015年的报告发现，为纽约市的亚裔美国人社区提供服务的组织只得到了该市社会服务合同中微小的一部分。State Assemblywoman Grace Lee, whose district includes Chinatown, said there has been a “false narrative” around the needs of Asian communities that “we as legislators are trying to break.” Ms. Lee, who is Korean American, led a coalition of state legislators who helped secure $30 million in state funding last year specifically for Asian American organizations statewide.代表唐人街所在选区的州议员李荣恩说，围绕着亚裔社区需求的说法中一直存在一种“错误叙事”，“我们作为立法者正在努力打破这种叙事。”李荣恩是韩裔美国人，她领导的一个州立法者联盟去年帮助确保了为全州的亚裔美国人组织专门提供3000万美元的州政府资金。中国移民在一家临时酒店里未整理的床铺。中国移民的到来促成了纽约市亚裔人口的增长。While some of the newcomers have fled political and religious persecution in China, a growing number — including families, middle-class professionals and small business owners — are looking for more economic opportunity, said Edward Cuccia, an immigration lawyer in Chinatown, who has taken on more than 70 new Chinese asylum cases in the past two years. “America’s still the golden country in their eyes,” he said.唐人街的移民律师爱德华·库西亚说，虽然一些新来者是为了躲避中国的政治和宗教迫害，但越来越多的人——包括家庭、中产阶级专业人士和小企业主——正在寻找更多的经济机会。他在过去两年里新增了70多件中国移民寻求庇护的案子。“美国仍然是他们眼中的黄金国度，”他说。However, some migrants have found that they are not necessarily better off. At employment agencies in Flushing, dozens of recent migrants have returned day after day to sit on folding chairs waiting for jobs.但一些移民已发现，他们不一定会变得更富裕。数十名新移民们日复一日地回到法拉盛的就业机构，坐在折叠椅上等待工作机会。Doris He, 31, has been one of the luckier ones. Ms. He went to work at a small Chinese bakery after arriving in Flushing last year with her husband, Li Jianfeng, 35, and their 9-year-old son. Back in Xi’an, China, she had been a barista in a coffee shop.现年31岁的多丽丝·何（音）是比较幸运的人之一。去年，何女士与35岁的丈夫李建峰（音）和九岁的儿子来到法拉盛后，在一家小中式糕点店找到了工作。她离开西安前曾在一家咖啡店当过咖啡师。“It’s a good start here, but we don’t earn enough money yet,” Ms. He said. “Compared to China, we’re doing OK.”“虽然这是个好开端，但我们还没有挣到足够多的钱，”何女士说。“与在中国的时候相比，我们过得还行。”摄影：Victor J. BlueWinnie Hu为时报报道纽约人和社区新闻。点击查看更多关于她的信息。Jeffrey E. Singer自2008年开始为时报撰稿，他从事新闻行业已超过十年。作为记者，他还曾为Gothamist转告，报道从罪案新闻到政治、移民等一系列议题。点击查看更多关于他的信息。翻译：纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 中国“走线客”涌入纽约唐人街

碧桂园遭债权人提起清盘呈请

KEITH BRADSHER2024年2月29日镇江的碧桂园楼盘，摄于2023年。 Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesCountry Garden, China’s largest real estate developer as recently as 2022, said on Wednesday that a creditor had asked a Hong Kong court to liquidate its operations and pay off lenders, in the latest sign that China’s housing crisis continues unabated.周三，2022年还是中国最大房地产开发商的碧桂园表示，一名债权人已呈请香港法院清算其业务并偿还贷款，这是中国住房危机持续发展的最新迹象。Ever Credit Ltd., a Hong Kong lender, is petitioning the city’s High Court to shut down Country Garden. The court filing involves Country Garden’s failure to repay a loan of $204 million plus interest owed to Ever Credit, the real estate developer told the Hong Kong stock market.香港贷款机构永恒信贷有限公司向香港高等法院申请关闭碧桂园。这家房地产开发商向香港股市表示，向法院提交的诉状涉及碧桂园未能偿还的约16亿港元贷款及利息。Ever Credit’s petition, known as a winding up petition, is meant to force Country Garden to close its doors and sell its assets to make money it can use to pay back its creditors. The move follows a High Court order last month for the liquidation of China Evergrande. Country Garden dethroned Evergrande as China’s largest developer in 2021 when Evergrande endured a financial collapse.永恒信贷的这种申请被称为清盘呈请，意在迫使碧桂园关闭并出售资产，以换取资金偿还债权人。该公司提出呈请前，高等法院在上个月下令清算中国恒大。2021年，恒大遭遇财务崩溃，碧桂园取代恒大成为中国最大的开发商。Country Garden said it would fight the court petition “vigorously,” and that the first hearing on the petition had been scheduled for May 17.碧桂园表示，它将“坚决”反对呈请，有关清盘呈请的首次听证会定于5月17日举行。More than 50 Chinese property developers have defaulted on debts since 2021. They have refused to repay overseas creditors while still making arrangements with Chinese banks for possible eventual repayment.自2021年以来，已有50多家中国房地产开发商出现违约。它们拒绝偿还海外债权人的债务，同时仍在与中国的银行安排可能的最终还款。Many of these developers have shares listed on the Hong Kong stock market or have borrowed there, or both. But creditors face formidable obstacles in seeking to recover loans from Chinese real estate developers through petitions to the court system in Hong Kong, said Zerlina Zeng, the head of East Asia corporate credits at CreditSights, a global credit research firm.其中许多开发商的股票在香港股市上市，或曾在香港借贷，或两者皆有。全球信贷研究公司CreditSights的东亚企业信贷主管泽里娜·曾（音）表示，但债权人通过香港法院系统向中国房地产开发商追讨贷款面临着巨大障碍。Most of the assets of Chinese developers are in mainland China, where courts might not recognize liquidation orders from Hong Kong. Even if mainland courts order liquidation sales of developers’ buildings, China’s increasingly strict limits on moving money out of the mainland could make it hard for creditors to lay their hands on the proceeds of those sales.中国开发商的大部分资产都在中国大陆，那里的法院可能不承认来自香港的清算令。即使内地法院下令清算出售开发商的房产，中国对资金流出内地的限制越来越严格，债权人也很难拿到出售房产的收益。“We do not think that the winding up order would manage to improve the recovery rate” for debt repayment, Ms. Zeng said.曾女士说，“我们不认为清盘令能够提高债务偿还的回收率。”Country Garden essentially ran out of money last October to repay debts. Households in China have cut back sharply on purchases of apartments from private-sector developers like Country Garden as housing prices have slid steeply over the past two years.去年10月，碧桂园基本上已经无力偿还债务。随着过去两年房价急剧下滑，中国家庭已大幅减少购买碧桂园等民营地产商开发的公寓。Without cash from continued sales, developers have been unable to finish construction of millions of apartments that they had presold to buyers all over China. Nomura Securities of Japan estimated last month that 20 million presold homes awaited completion in China, and would require $450 billion to finish.由于无法从持续销售中获得现金，开发商无法完成向中国各地购房者预售的数百万套公寓的建设。日本野村证券上个月估计，中国有2000万套预售房屋等待完工，需要4500亿美元才能竣工。China’s real estate developers relied for many years on selling apartments before they were built, and then using the cash to finish other apartments that had previously been promised to other buyers. But that financial model has fallen apart as households have recoiled from dealings with private-sector developers that are having trouble finishing previous deals.中国的房地产开发商多年来一直依赖于在公寓建成之前将其售出，然后用现金来完成之前承诺交付给买家的其他公寓。但这种金融模式已经瓦解，因为家庭不愿从民营开发商手里购房，这些开发商在完成之前的交易时遇到了困难。Country Garden’s presales of unfinished apartments plummeted 74 percent in the second half of last year from the same period in 2022. And the overall real estate industry’s troubles in China are growing even worse this year, with preliminary data showing that sales plunged another 40 percent at Lunar New Year earlier this month compared to the same holiday last year.碧桂园去年下半年未完工公寓的预售量同比暴跌了74%。今年，中国房地产市场的整体问题更加严重。初步数据显示，与去年春节相比，本月初春节期间的销售额又暴跌了40%。Mainland China is not alone in having real estate troubles right now — they have also spread to Hong Kong. Paul Chan, the city’s financial secretary, said on Wednesday in his annual budget address that he would repeal measures previously intended to curb speculation in Hong Kong apartments.目前，不只是中国大陆的房地产业面临困境，这些问题也蔓延到了香港。香港财政司司长陈茂波周三在其年度财政预算报告中表示，他将废除之前旨在抑制香港公寓投机行为的措施。Keith Bradsher是《纽约时报》北京分社社长，此前曾任上海分社社长、香港分社社长、底特律分社社长，以及华盛顿记者。他在新冠疫情期间常驻中国进行报道。 点击查看更多关于他的信息。翻译：纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。

Source: 碧桂园遭债权人提起清盘呈请