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Author Topic: “国殇之柱”被移除:香港民主的丧钟  (Read 350 times)

SuHaiJack

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on: November 27, 2021, 01:03:58 AM
“国殇之柱”被移除:香港民主的丧钟

任萃言, 周永康2021年11月25日 Lam Yik Fei for The New York TimesFor nearly a quarter of a century, the Pillar of Shame has stood on the campus of Hong Kong University — a 26-foot-tall commemoration of the victims of the Tiananmen Square massacre. Last month, the university ordered the pillar’s removal.“国殇之柱”矗立在香港大学校园里已近25年,这座高约八米的纪念碑是为纪念天安门“六四”大屠杀的遇难者而建。上个月,港大下令将其移除。The order is a striking blow in the government’s ongoing campaign to erase the memory of the 1989 atrocity: First, it banned the candlelight vigil held annually on June 4, arrested the vigil’s key organizers and raided a museum that documents the history of the massacre. But this is about far more than a statue.政府正在进行抹去关于1989年暴行的记忆的运动,这个命令是其中的又一重大打击。政府先是禁止了每年6月4日举行的烛光守夜活动,逮捕了守夜活动的主要组织者,还突袭了记录那段历史的“六四”纪念馆。但这次的命令所涉及的远非一座纪念碑。Along with the removal of the Pillar of Shame, political pressure from the government and university administrations has incapacitated two major university student unions. The Chinese University of Hong Kong’s union was forced to disband, and University of Hong Kong administrators withdrew recognition of its union and banned some of its members from campus.除了移除国殇之柱,来自政府和大学行政当局的政治压力已使两个主要的大学学生会失去行动能力。香港中文大学学生会被迫解散,港大校方不再承认学生会的校内地位,并禁止学生会某些成员进入校园。These moves mark a potentially irreversible turning point in Beijing’s crackdown on Hong Kong. Whereas earlier phases targeted branches of dissent, these moves strike at the roots: Universities and student unions nourish activism and can fuel future mass mobilization against an authoritarian China.这些做法标志着中央政府对香港进行打压的一个或许不可逆的转折点。早期的行动针对的是异见机构,而最近的做法触及根源:大学和学生会是培养活动人士的地方,能推动未来反对威权主义中国的大规模行动。When it ordered the removal of the Pillar of Shame from campus, the university administration demonstrated that Hong Kong’s higher education authorities appear to be doing the bidding of Beijing’s government, erasing its potential to cultivate future political leaders who would challenge China’s rule.港大校方下令将国殇之柱从校园移走的做法表明,香港高等教育当局看来是在遵循中央政府的命令,消除大学培养未来挑战中国统治的政治领导人的潜力。Uprooting civil organizations and shrinking the public space that preserves the memory and trauma of the 1989 Beijing uprising have effectively turned Hong Kong into another silent mainland city.根除民间组织,缩减保存1989年天安门事件创伤记忆的公共空间,这些做法实际上已把香港变成了另一个沉默的大陆城市。As educators and scholar-activists in the Hong Kong diaspora, we understand the grave implications of such moves.作为旅居海外的香港教育工作者和活动人士学者,我们了解这些做法的严重后果。The pillar has symbolized freedom of speech and freedom from fear for students, teachers and citizens of Hong Kong for decades. It was first erected in Victoria Park in 1997 to mark the eighth anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre — the same year that sovereignty of Hong Kong was returned to Beijing, launching a tug of war between islanders and mainland autocrats over how the history of the 1989 pro-democracy movement and Hong Kong would be narrated.几十年来,国殇之柱在学生、教师和香港市民眼里一直是言论自由和免于恐惧的自由的象征。1997年,为了纪念“六四”大屠杀八周年,它首先在维多利亚公园竖立起来,同年,香港的主权回归中国,香港人与大陆独裁者之间就如何叙述1989年民主运动和香港的展开了拉力战。After its initial exhibition, different universities in Hong Kong housed the Pillar of Shame until it was permanently installed on the campus of the University of Hong Kong in 1998.国殇之柱首次展出后,曾在香港多所大学巡展,直到1998年被永久安置在港大校园。Pro-democracy activists have for years rallied around the pillar to maintain the collective memory of the Tiananmen massacre, its pain and grief. Before the passage of the National Security Law in June 2020, Hong Kong was the only place in China that permitted such commemorative acts.多年来,民主活动人士一直以在国殇之柱举行集会的方式来保留对“六四”屠杀的集体记忆,以及它带来的痛苦和悲伤。香港国安法2020年6月生效前,这座城市是中国唯一允许纪念“六四”的地方。The pillar holds particular historical, political and cultural significance to Hong Kong’s students, who view the collective commemoration of June 4 as integral to the democratic future of Hong Kong.国殇之柱对香港学生来说具有特殊的历史、政治和文化意义,他们把纪念“六四”的集体活动视为香港民主未来不可或缺的一部分。Hong Kong’s universities have historically championed critical thinking, giving students and faculty the space to openly deliberate contentious political and moral issues and to examine state-sanctioned ideas and values. They have produced great intellectuals, activists and organizers deeply engaged in creating a more democratic political future (including one of us, Alex Chow, who was jailed for his role leading the 2014 Umbrella Movement pro-democracy demonstrations).香港的大学在历史上曾捍卫过批判性思维,给予过学生和教师空间,公开讨论有争议的政治和道德问题、审视国家认可的思想和价值观。它们培养出伟大的知识分子、活动人士,以及积极投身于创造一个更民主政治未来的组织者(包括本文作者之一周永康,他曾因领导被称为“雨伞运动”的2014年民主示威活动入狱)。Every year, students from the University of Hong Kong have cleaned the pillar, paying special attention to the words engraved at the bottom: “The old cannot kill the Newbie trader forever. ”港大学生每年洗刷国殇支柱,尤其是基座上刻的“老人岂能够杀光年轻人”这句话。Student unions, in particular, have served as launchpads for many activists.尤其是学生会,那是许多人投身民主运动的跳板。Their power has long been recognized: During the Sino-British negotiations about Hong Kong’s future in the 1980s, the Chinese Communist Party viewed the student unions as an asset to help propagate the idea of returning Hong Kong to its motherland. After the 1989 Tiananmen massacre, student unions led the charge to cut ties with Beijing. In the past 10 years alone, student groups shepherded the 2012 anti-national education movement, the 2014 Umbrella Movement and the 2019 anti-extradition-bill movement.学生会的力量早就得到了承认:中英两国在20世纪80年代就香港的未来进行谈判期间,中国共产党曾把学生会视为宣传香港回归祖国理念的骨干力量。“六四”屠杀发生后,学生会曾带头切断了与北京的联系。仅在过去的10年里,学生团体是2012年反国民教育运动、2014年“雨伞运动”,以及2019年反引渡法案运动的带头者。Now university administrations in Hong Kong are punishing students for voicing dissenting views on campus. By abandoning their neutral role and dedication to free speech, the universities have gone from realms of political enlightenment to theaters of state surveillance and policing.现在,香港的大学行政部门正在惩罚在校园内发表不同意见的学生。通过放弃中立角色、放弃对言论自由的追求,大学已从过去进行政治启蒙的地方变成了国家监控监管的场所。Taken together, the removal of the pillar and the incapacitation of the student unions amount to effectively uprooting Hong Kong’s civil society. Both academic and political freedoms suffer with their forced absence.国殇之柱的拆除和学生会丧失行动能力加在一起,等于实际上铲除了香港的公民社会。学术和政治自由因它们的被迫缺失而大受影响。While it was only a matter of time before the government turned to target the foundations of the democracy movement, it has nonetheless been stunning to see how fragile the institutional infrastructures and the integrity of public institutions are in the face of pressure from the Chinese government.虽然政府打击民主运动的基础只是时间问题,但看到在中国政府压力面前,这些制度基础和公共机构的节操如此脆弱,仍令人震惊。The student unions at other universities on the island now are caught in a dilemma: Remaining vocal on Hong Kong’s political developments risks consequences, including extended jail time. Silence means the students’ organizations may not survive another year. Facing the risk of immediate imprisonment or suspension from study, many student leaders have resigned from their positions, paralyzing the unions.香港其他大学的学生会现已陷入两难境地:继续对香港的政治发展发声可能会带来包括延长监禁的后果。沉默则意味着这些学生组织也许无法再存在下去。面对被关进监狱或马上被校方开除的危险,许多学生干部已经辞职,使学生会陷入瘫痪。This cannot spell the end of Hong Kong’s civil society.这不该是香港公民社会的终结。It should be a warning for global academia.而应该是对全球学术界的警告。Universities elsewhere should set up Hong Kong studies programs and offer haven to scholars and students who hope to study Hong Kong from afar. Given Beijing’s extensive global surveillance, researchers and teachers should enhance protocols to communicate with colleagues and students in Hong Kong safely.其他地方的大学应该设立“香港问题研究”项目,为希望从远处研究香港的学者和学生提供避风港。考虑到中国政府在全球的广泛监控,研究人员和教师应该加强与香港的同事和学生进行安全交流的方案。These troubling developments also should drive a rethink of the movement itself. We need to look elsewhere to rebuild Hong Kong’s civil society, albeit in different forms.这些令人不安的事态发展也应该促使人们反思运动本身。我们在重建(尽管是以不同的形式)香港公民社会方面需要寻找其他途径。President Biden raised concerns about the Chinese government’s practices in Hong Kong in a meeting last week with President Xi Jinping. Mr. Biden has offered temporary safe haven for Hong Kongers in the United States. Congress is considering humanitarian pathways, like the Hong Kong Safe Harbor Act and the Hong Kong People’s Freedom and Choice Act. Those can offer shelter abroad for members of civil society.拜登总统上周与中国国家主席习近平举行视频会晤时,对中国政府在香港的做法提出了担忧。拜登为在美国的香港居民提供了临时避风港。国会正在考虑更永久的人道主义方案,如《香港安全港法》和《香港人民自由与选择法》。这些法案可为公民社会的成员在国外提供庇护所。It may be hard to keep track of the many ways China is cracking down on Hong Kong. But this latest move cannot be ignored. The stakes — future leaders, freedom and accountability — are far too high.记录中国打压香港的多种做法也许不易。但最近这个行动不容忽视,因为这与未来的领导者、自由和问责休戚相关。任萃言是一名侨居海外的香港人,目前是肯塔基大学助理教授,教授关于公共倡导和社会运动方面的课程。周永康是一名流亡海外的香港活动人士,任香港民主委员会主席,是加州大学伯克利分校在读博士。翻译:纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。  https://feedx.top

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